Kees Versteegh & C. H. M. Versteegh - The Arabic language (2014, Edinburgh University Press) - libgen.li
in- instead of
it- ; the pausal
ʾimāla of the feminine
ending to
-e instead of the modern ending
-a ; the form of the pronominal suffix
of the third-person singular masculine in forms such as
mā šafuhš ‘they did not
see him’ instead of modern
mā šafuhūš , as well as a number of lexical items, most
striking among them
maṛa , which used to mean ‘woman’ and did not have the
modern connotation of ‘woman of ill repute, slut’. Features such as these are still
found in the rural dialects, although not all are connected to the same dialect
region.
According to Woidich (1994), the Cairene dialect of today must be regarded as
a mixed dialect whose formative period was the second half of the nineteenth
century, when there was an enormous influx of people from the countryside.
As a result of this immigration, a number of features that until then had been
current in the capital came to be stigmatised because they were identified with
the low prestige rural dialects of the new inhabitants. This process of stigmatisa
-
tion remained operative in the twentieth century. In the Egyptian movies of the
1920s and 1930s, the elite frequently use forms that nowadays would be regarded
as vulgar, for instance, the plural ending of verbs in
-um , which is now restricted
in educated Cairene speech to the verb ‘to come’ (
gum ‘they came’), but in the
poor quarters of Cairo can still be heard in other verbs. Another example is that
of the interrogative adjective
anho ‘which?’, which in educated speech has been
replaced by
ayy , probably borrowed from the standard language. The process of
mixing of dialects in the nineteenth century not only led to the disappearance
and stigmatisation of rural forms, but also to the emergence of completely new
forms as a result of hyperurbanisation and over-generalisation, for instance, in
the case of the loss of the pausal
ʾimāla .
With the growing influence of the mass media, Cairene speech has spread all
over the country. This prestige of the speech of the capital is not a recent phenom
-
enon. We have seen in Chapter 10 (p. 182) that on dialect maps of the Delta the
historical influence of Cairene Egyptian can still be traced following the ancient
trade route that led from Cairo to the old port of Damietta (Dumyāṭ) in the central
Delta along the eastern branches of the Nile.
Egyptians themselves usually call all southern varieties of Egyptian Saʿīḍī, in
contrast to the prestige dialect of Cairo. One of the distinctive markers between
the two groups is the realisation of Classical /q/ and /j/: in Cairene Arabic these
are realised as /ʾ/ and /g/, while in Upper Egypt they are pronounced as /g/
and /j/ (or /g
y
/ or even /d/). Another distinctive feature between the dialects of
Cairo and some Delta dialects, on the one hand, and the Upper Egyptian dialects,
on the other, is the system of stress assignment. In Cairene Arabic and in the
Delta, the last heavy sequence (i.e., a syllable containing a long vowel and ending
in a consonant or a syllable ending in two consonants) is stressed, for example,
maʿẓū́ m ‘invited’,
máṭʿam ‘restaurant’,
bínti ‘my daughter’. When this sequence is
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followed by more than one vowel, the vowel immediately following it is stressed,
for example,
madrása ‘school’,