91
source (de Haan 1999; 2008). The second
reason the glossing of ekan/eken is somewhat
misleading is that these morphemes participate directly in the confirmativity paradigm described
in the previous chapter. That is, a speaker is likely to employ a marker of non-firsthand
information source if she or he is unwilling to confirm the statement made. Similarly, a speaker
is not obligated to employ the evidential if he or she is willing to confirm that statement. The
term evidential, then, is employed here to indicate a broad range of meanings that includes non-
firsthand information source and non-confirmativity.
4.1.1 Ekan/Eken in Declarative Contexts
Ekan/eken is found only in two of the major clause types: declarative and interrogative.
It is never found in imperative clauses. Because clause type affects both
the semantics and
morphosyntactic properties of
ekan/eken, I consider them separately.
The most notable purpose of
ekan/eken in declarative clauses is the expression of non-
firsthand information source. In recent literature, information source has been divided into a
number of categories, which appear to be more or less universal. Willett (1988)
divides the
possible semantic distinctions made by evidential morphemes into four basic categories of
information source:
PERSONAL EXPERIENCE
>
DIRECT EVIDENCE
>
INDIRECT EVIDENCE
>
HEARSAY
These categories are arranged hierarchically and correspond to a speaker’s likely degree of
confidence in the reliability of an information source. In much of the Eurasian
evidentiality belt,
the semantic domain of evidentiality is divided into two, with
PERSONAL EXPERIENCE
and
DIRECT
EVIDENCE
falling into
a category often termed
DIRECT
and
INDIRECT EVIDENCE
and
HEARSAY
falling into an
INDIRECT
category (see, for example, Johanson 2000; 2003).
92
The issue with proposing paradigmatic evidentiality in Uzbek and Kazakh, as well as in
many of the other languages of the Eurasian evidentiality belt, is that while
ekan/eken does
express
INDIRECT
evidentiality, no other morpheme expresses
DIRECT
evidentiality. That is, the
absence of the marked evidential morphemes does not indicate firsthand experience. As
discussed in the previous chapter, the various past tense morphemes in Uzbek and Kazakh may
be marked for confirmativity, but the use of a confirmative marker does not imply that the
speaker has any firsthand knowledge of the events described. Recall that it is possible to
employ
even confirmative forms (such as the simple past -
di/-DI) to express events that the speaker
could not possible have witnessed:
(106)
Huddi shu serial o'tgan oy-lar-da Turkiya kanal-i-da ham ber-il-di, lekin ko'r-
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