Nabokov, Nicolas [Nikolay]

New Zealand.

Country and group of islands in the south Pacific Ocean. It is located about 1900 kms south-east of Australia across the Tasman Sea and comprises two main islands, North Island and South Island, and several much smaller ones, including Stewart Island and the Chatham Islands. The population is highly urbanized: of about 3·8 million people (est. 2000), around 75% live on North Island, most in the cities of Auckland and Wellington.

I. Traditional music

II. Western art music

MERVYN McLEAN (I, 1–2), ANGELA R. ANNABEL (I, 3), ADRIENNE SIMPSON (II)

New Zealand

I. Traditional music

The original inhabitants of New Zealand, the Maori, are a Polynesian people who migrated to the islands around the 10th century; today Maori comprise about 12% of the population. There are also significant expatriot Maori communities in Australia, the USA and the UK. Most New Zealand families have relatives of Maori descent and thus, in effect, a double cultural heritage. Maori is now an official language of New Zealand, with English.

The most comprehensive collection of Maori music can be found in the Archive of Maori and Pacific Music, which was established in 1970 within the Department of Anthropology at the University of Auckland. Its holdings include commercial and field recordings of vocal and instrumental music, folklore and oral history. In addition to its research and teaching functions, the archive also publishes catalogues and reports on specific music research projects. Repositories of research material are also held by the Alexander Turnbull Library (Wellington), the Hocken Library (Dunedin) and the Sound Archives of Radio New Zealand. The following discussion covers Maori vocal music and instruments; for traditional New Zealand dance, seePolynesia, §I, 3.

1. Maori vocal music.

2. Maori instruments.

3. European traditional music.

New Zealand, §I: Art music

1. Maori vocal music.

There are two forms of indigenous Maori music. The first, known as ‘action song’ (waiata-a-ringa or waiata kori), dates only from the beginning of the 20th century, and although its words and actions are Maori, its melodies are European. The origin of the action song is generally attributed to the east coast Maori leader Sir Apirana Ngata (1874–1950), who with Paraire Tomoana (1868–1946) composed the well-known E te ope tuatahi as a recruiting song during World War I. The person most responsible for bringing action song to its present form was Tuini Ngawai (1910–65), also from the east coast, who composed more than 100 songs during and after World War II, setting original Maori words to the tunes of popular European songs of the day. Her song Arohaina mai, written in 1939 as a farewell for the C Company of the Maori Battalion, has the tune of Love walked In; Te hokowhitu toa, which became a favourite of the C Company, used the tune of Lock My Heart and Throw Away the Key; and her celebrated tribute to the Victoria Cross winner Lieutenant Te Moana-niu-a-Kiwa Ngarimu, E te hokowhitu a tu, was written to the tune of In the Mood. Although the melodies and harmonies of action songs are borrowed, the messages and sentiments expressed by the texts are purely Maori, as are the actions and the manner of performance. Traits such as uniformity of body movement, hand-trembling (wiri) and the use of regular metre appear to be derived from the traditional haka (shouted posture dances) and core hand gestures from extempore actions used in the traditional pātere (occasional songs; see §(i) below).

The other form of Maori music – referred to hereafter as Maori chant – is wholly indigenous in origin and has remained relatively uninfluenced by European music. It serves specific social and ceremonial needs (see McLean, 1965) and reflects its origins in its stylistic and other similarities to traditional music from elsewhere in Polynesia.

Maori chant is classified by the Maori themselves into song-use categories that can be further grouped on musical grounds into sung and recited styles. Recited styles are distinguished primarily by the absence of stable pitch organization and by much more rapid tempos. In both sung and recited styles, tempos once set are invariable. Other points of similarity include the use of additive rather than divisive rhythms (except for haka; see §(i) below) and a continuous style of performance in which breaks of any kind, even for breathing, are avoided. Most types of song are performed in unison by groups of singers who are kept together by a song leader. The leader is responsible for choosing a pitch that will suit most of the singers, and he or she also sets the tempo of the song. Mistakes are regarded as ill omens.

The sung styles have a strong emphasis upon a tonic (the note which occurs most often) in the centre of the range, which is generally limited to a 4th. Melodic intervals are mostly major and minor 2nds and minor 3rds. Form is strophic, usually with two phrases to each strophe. A characteristic device is the terminal glissando, sometimes heard when an individual in a group stops singing; it nearly always occurs at the ends of stanzas, and it almost invariably marks the end of the song itself.

(i) Recited styles.

Karakia are rapidly intoned spells or incantations. They include simple charms used by children, spells used by adults to meet the contingencies of daily life and highly esoteric invocations used in numerous rituals by priests. Most karakia are performed in a rapid monotone punctuated by sustained notes and descending glides at the ends of phrases. More than any other type of song, ritual karakia had to be performed word-perfect, for it was believed that any mistake, however trivial, would bring death or disaster upon the performer. To achieve an unbroken flow of sound, longer karakia were performed alternately by two priests. Karakia of the ritual kind are still performed on occasions such as the opening of a meeting-house, where tapu (sacredness) placed upon a house during its construction has to be removed; canoe karakia (those associated with the ancestral canoes that are said to have brought the Maori people to New Zealand) are customarily performed by men as introductions to speeches on the marae (village square).

Pātere are occasional songs, composed mostly by slandered women in reply to gossip. Rather than denying the gossip, the reply typically takes the form of recounting the lineal and lateral kinship connections of the author. Songs recited in the same style as pātere, but distinguishable by their more virulent or abusive texts, are called kaioraora. Like the karakia or incantation, pātere and kaioraora are intoned, but the tempo is not as rapid, and sustained notes are absent. Unlike karakia they are often performed by groups. Most of the recitation is on one note, but a gradual rise of pitch followed by a fall occurs near the ends of stanzas. There is a tendency towards duple metre with characteristic rhythmic groupings, modified by occasional additive combinations that give an effect of apparent syncopation.

Haka are shouted posture dances with compound divisive metres that set them apart from other song types. Contrary to popular belief, the haka was not exclusively a war dance, nor was it performed solely by men. In former times, as today, haka were used for entertainment and to welcome visitors as well as in preparation for battle, and women took part in them. They are characterized by foot-stamping, thrusting and flourishing movements of the arms, quivering of the hands, movements of the body and head, out-thrust tongue, distorted eyes and grimacing (fig.1). The vocal style is one of stylized shouting. Usually there is an alternation between leader solos and shouted responses from the chorus. The tempo is the slowest of all the recited styles, though much faster than in any of the sung forms of chant.

(ii) Sung styles.

The term waiata is sometimes used loosely as a generic word for all songs. Properly, however, it is a specific type of song. About four-fifths of these are laments for the dead, called waiata tangi (tangi: ‘to weep’). Most of the rest are waiata aroha or waiata whaiāipo (‘love songs’ and ‘sweetheart songs’), but these may also be thought of as laments, as they are usually about lost or unhappy love. Waiata are customarily performed at the tangi, or funeral ceremony, after speeches of praise or farewell to the dead.

Waiata of all kinds are typically performed in unison by groups of singers. A leader, who may be a man or a woman, begins the song and performs short solos, called hīanga, at the end of each line of the text, usually on meaningless syllables.

Pao are topical songs about matters of local interest; the texts are usually in couplets. Many pao are gossip songs about the loves of their subjects, and pao of this kind are sung mostly for entertainment. Others, however, have a serious purpose and may be sung, for example, as aids to speech-making, as answers to taunts or as songs of farewell; in this respect they are similar to waiata. Unlike waiata, pao are typically composed in improvisatory fashion. Each couplet is first sung solo by the composer and is then supposed to be repeated by the chorus while the composer thinks of the next couplet. At subsequent performances, each couplet typically continues to be sung twice. Musically, pao are distinguished by a tendency towards iambic rhythms, an abundance of rapid ornament and a typically descending melodic contour, even for songs whose range is small. In consequence, the tonic tends to be near the bottom of the range instead of in the middle, as in waiata.

Poi are dances with sung accompaniment, in which women swing light decorated balls attached to strings (fig.2). Little is known about the origins of the poi. Early accounts describe it as a game, and it seems probable that formerly the accompanying songs of the poi were recited songs similar to haka and pātere. Most extant poi, however, except for those performed in acculturated style by modern action song groups, belong to a now declining religious movement that flourished in the 1880s and 90s under the leadership of the Maori prophets Te Whiti and Tohu. For these men, who were early believers in ‘passive resistance’, the poi was a symbol of peace. Their followers reworked waiata and karakia and adapted them to the poi. The results were songs in rapid tempo with a very small range, often in additive rhythms running counter to the divisive off-beat slap of the poi balls. As in waiata, a basic melody is repeated again and again, but there is no hīanga, or solo, from the leader to mark the end of each line. Instead, the song is performed from beginning to end by the entire group of singers. Because the hīanga is not used, the meaningless syllables characteristic of waiata are absent.

Oriori are songs, the most important examples of which were composed by parents or grandparents for young children of noble birth or of warrior lineage. These songs are often described as lullabies, but their purpose was to educate children in matters appropriate to their descent, and the texts are correspondingly full of obscure references to myth, legend and tribal history. As in most types of song, performance is continuous, with no pauses or breaks between lines, but there are no leader solos at the end of lines. In this respect oriori are similar to poi; but whereas leader solos are absent altogether in poi, in oriori they tend to occur either at the beginning or at the end of stanzas. These leader solos are more diverse melodically than the rest of the song, which is typically in simple syllabic style. Tempos of oriori are usually fast, and among sung items are second in this respect only to poi.

New Zealand, §I: Art music

2. Maori instruments.

Maori musical instruments were limited to idiophones and aerophones. There were no membranophones, and except for a single unconfirmed report of an instrument called the kū – which may have been a form of musical bow – there is no evidence of chordophones. If sound-producers used for non-musical purposes such as signalling are excluded, the list of instruments is very small.

(i) Idiophones.

The most important idiophone – and the only instrument resembling a drum in New Zealand – was the percussion idiophone that in New Zealand took the name pahu, which elsewhere in Polynesia was applied to the sharkskin drum (pahu in Tahiti; pa’u in the Cook Islands). Most were flat slabs of resonant wood between 1·2 and 9 metres in length, which in favourable conditions could be heard reportedly at distances of up to 20 km. Some slab pahu were unmodified, some apparently had a shallow depression or groove in the centre, and others had an elliptical or oval hole pierced through the centre. Only one specimen (made in 1899) is reported to have resembled the Polynesian slit-drum in being hollowed out. The main use of the pahu was in warfare. By means of ropes tied around the ends, it was either suspended between two trees or, more usually, hung from a crosspiece supported by forked-stick uprights above the platform of a watch-tower, 5 to 6 metres high. This watch-tower was part of the defences of the fortified village or pā. The watchman sat on the platform and beat upon the pahu to assemble the people in times of danger or, if they were safe inside the pā at night, as a signal that the pā was on the alert. From time to time throughout the night he also recited watch-songs (whakaaraara pā) or sounded blasts upon the pūkāea (wooden war trumpet).

Though not a chordophone, the pakuru was, in effect, the Maori equivalent of the musical bow. It took the form of a thin strip of resonant wood about 40 to 50 cm long, 2 to 5 cm wide and about 1 cm thick; one surface was flat and the other convex. According to most authorities, one end was held lightly with the left hand, and the other was placed between the teeth with the flat side down. The instrument was played by tapping it lightly with another rod about 15 cm long held in the fingers of the right hand. The tapping was done in time to special songs called rangi pakuru, and the sound was modified by movements of the lips.

Another instrument that depended upon mouth resonance for its effect was the rōria, or Maori form of the jew’s harp. The pre-European form was made from an elastic piece of supplejack 7 to 10 cm long, one end of which was held in the mouth or against the teeth and twanged with a finger. The player made guttural sounds, and the movement of the lips helped vary the sound. The appeal of the instrument lay in its ability to communicate words; Maori lovers used to sit side by side, each with a rōria, and hold quiet conversations on the instruments. Later, European jew’s harps replaced the native instruments, and the name rōria was transferred to them.

(ii) Aerophones.

The pūtātara or pū moana (shell trumpet) was simply a large triton shell with the end cut off and a carved wooden mouthpiece lashed on in its place. It was a signalling trumpet that emitted a single note. Chiefs sometimes carried these instruments when travelling and would sound them to warn villagers of their approach. They were also used by some chiefs’ families to announce the birth of a first-born son; by commanding chiefs to direct or rally their forces during a fight; and as a signal to assemble villagers on the marae (village square).

The pūkāea (wooden war trumpet) was from 1 to 2·5 metres long and was formed by splitting a piece of mataī wood longitudinally, hollowing it, and then binding it together again. One end had a wooden mouthpiece and the other was flared out to a diameter of 8 to 12 cm. Inside, near the bell end, were inserted small wooden pegs called tohe; these represented the human tonsils and uvula. Single-note blasts were sounded on the pūkāea by watchmen, and the instrument is said also to have been used as a megaphone through which insults could be hurled at the enemy.

The pūtōrino (fig.3a) is an instrument about 30 to 60 cm long, widest in the middle and tapering at each end. One end is usually not quite closed; the other has a mouth-hole, and in the middle is a figure-of-eight or oval soundhole. The pūtōrino was made in the same manner as the pūkaaea, and the finest specimens are highly polished and intricately carved around the middle and ends. The earliest reports of the instrument describe it as a trumpet that produced a ‘shrill, hoarse’ or ‘harsh, shrill’ sound. It has also, however, been described as a flute, and experiment has shown that although the large specimens are indeed trumpets, the small ones can also be blown as flutes of limited range. The description of the pūtoorino as a ‘bugle-flute’ (Anderson, 1934) may therefore be accepted, though there seems to be little doubt that the instrument was originally a trumpet.

The kōauau (fig.3b) is a simple open-tube flute, 12 to 15 cm long with a bore of 1 to 2 cm and three finger-holes. Some were made of wood and others of bone, and many were beautifully carved. When not in use, they were often worn suspended around the neck as an ornament. Contrary to popular belief, the kōauau was not a nose flute but was played with the mouth. The traditional blowing technique, which is diagonal or oblique rather than vertical or horizontal, can still be found. Recent research has shown that there were three or four standard scales, which are identical to those of many present-day waiata. This provides support for statements by informants that the instrument played waiata melodies and was used principally for unison accompaniment of group singing.

The nguru (fig.4c) is a flute 8 to 10 cm long, made of wood, clay, stone or whale’s tooth. One end is open as on a kōauau, and the other finishes with a small hole in the centre of a tapered, upturned snout. In addition to the snout hole there are usually two finger-holes on top and another one or two beneath the snout. The prototypal shape was probably a gourd. The earliest reports of the instrument describe it as a whistle, worn about the neck and yielding a shrill sound. It was possibly used for signalling, as some writers have suggested, but its primary use was as a flute. Although some nguru flutes can be blown with the nose as well as the mouth, this method is unlikely to have been much used. The normal method of blowing was probably from the wide end with the mouth, in the same manner as the kōauau. This produces normal kōauau scales except for an extension downwards – usually by a major 2nd or minor 3rd – of one or two extra notes in the case of instruments with extra finger-holes underneath the snout, duplicating the ability of the kōauau to produce these notes by portamento. The nguru can therefore be regarded as simply a variety of kōauau, though its shape was different.

Of less importance than the instruments discussed above are the tētere (‘flax trumpet’), the kōrorohū (‘whizzer’) and the pūrorohū (bullroarer). The tētere was in fact not a trumpet. It was made by winding a split half-blade of flax in overlapping turns to a wider distal end. It was played with as a toy by children and was sometimes used by adults as a makeshift instrument to announce their approach to a village.

There is confusion in the terminology of the whizzer and the bullroarer. Both had numerous alternative names, and several of these are applied by different authorities to both instruments. The term preferred here for the whizzer is that used today by members of the Tūhoe tribe; Buck’s usage is followed for the bullroarer.

The kōrorohū (‘whizzer’ or ‘cutwater’) was a children’s toy made from a small piece of thin, flat wood or pumpkin rind pointed at both ends. Two holes were pierced near the centre through which the two ends of a piece of string were threaded and then tied, one thumb was inserted in the tied end and the other in the loop end; the disc was next swung towards the operator to twist the string; when it was sufficiently wound up an outward pull on the string caused it first to unwind rapidly and then, by its own momentum, to wind up again in the opposite direction. By timing the outward pull on the strings, the player could keep the instrument revolving rapidly in alternate directions, producing a whizzing noise during the unwinding parts of the cycle. Songs in pao style were sung to the accompaniment of the sound.

The pūrorohū (bullroarer) was made of a thin, flat piece of board of similar shape to the kōrorohū, but about 30 to 45 cm long. A cord about 120 cm long was tied to one end, and the other end of the cord was attached to a wooden handle about 90 cm long. By means of the handle, the operator swung the instrument until it produced a deep booming sound. In the Cook Islands and Hawaii, and perhaps elsewhere in Polynesia, the bullroarer was apparently used as a children’s toy, but in New Zealand it is believed to have been used ceremonially to produce rain.

New Zealand, §I: Art music

3. European traditional music.

Prior to colonization in the mid-19th century, European contact with the indigenous Maori through the activities of traders, sealers, whalers and missionaries had already laid the groundwork for the development of a distinctive song ethos. The British colonization schemes that began in 1840 did not result in any large-scale importation of folksong, but there was some transit of English, Scottish, and Irish folksong material and a resultant acculturation of such material in the new environment. Variants of traditional British songs such as Rattlin’ Roarin’ Willie, The Fox and The Foolish Boy developed, and children’s games and songs, some of ancient European origin, also entered the song milieu. British nursery rhymes even found their way into the Maori language: words such as ‘cow’ and ‘spoon’ (in Hey Diddle Diddle) became transliterated as ‘kau’ and ‘pune’. Popular songs such as Home, Boys, Home, with strong ‘I would I were in my own country’ folk sentiments, derived indirectly from 17th-century British broadside balladry. Large influxes of Californian and Australian miners during the gold rush periods of the 1860s and 70s, and a periodic inflow of Australian shearers, harvesters and other workers, introduced further new elements. In the early 20th century the existence of a folksong subculture was highlighted by the writer James Cowan. I’ve Traded with the Maoris (a local adaption of a British sea shanty and sung today in restored and amended form as Across the Line) is one of a few old songs collected by Cowan.

The worldwide folksong revival movement of the 1950s and 60s, typified by groups such as the Weavers in America and the Ewan MacColl-Peggy Seeger duo in Britain, saw the emergence of local collectors and folk-singing groups, the recording of songs for the commercial market, and the nationwide development of folk clubs and organizations. Pioneer collectors of the 1950s included Rona Bailey, who undertook field trips (one government-assisted) in the South Island; Neil Colquhoun, leader of the Song Spinners, who produced locally-made recordings of whalers', gumdiggers' and goldminers' songs; and Les Cleveland, whose Black Billy Tea, based on a ballad by the Canterbury farmer and folk poet Joe Charles, is a classic in today’s repertory. The song corpus was added to by new compositions depicting historical and contemporary aspects of the New Zealand scene (the songwriter Willow Macky had already composed the New Zealand Christmas carol Te Harinui and The Ballad of Captain Cook in the 1950s) and musical arrangements of the balladry of indigenous folk poets, such as The Shearing’s Coming Round, a setting of David McKee Wright’s verse of the 1890s. Some songs in the repertory approach the traditional ideal of folksong as the product of oral circulation and transmission: The New Chumor I’m a Young Man, for instance, originating as an entertainer’s song in the 1860s, survived largely by these means over an extended period. Due to the fragmentary nature of much collected material, other songs are the result of extensive restoration and amendment processes. For instance, Bright Fine Gold, reconstructed around an Otago goldfield’s nursery ditty, adapts the street cry of the English rhyme Hot Cross Buns to its chorus opening and further turns to advantage the ‘one-a-pecker, two-a-pecker’ doggerel of British nursery literature in the substitution of a New Zealand goldfield’s place name (ex.1).

Harding’s discographic and bibliographic research (1992) classifies New Zealand traditional song as it has developed since the first European contacts under the major headings of ‘folk’ and ‘popular’. The 1500 or so titles listed bring into focus the bicultural nature, in social and economic terms, of such song. Te Rangi Hikiroa’s World War I song Ka Mate! Ka Mate!, Maewa Kaihau’s Now is the Hour, Karaitiana’s Blue Smoke and rock star Tim Finn’s Parihaka are a few examples of titles illustrating this cultural blend.

Musical instruments included fiddles, flutes, concertinas, mouth organs, jew’s harps and penny whistles, used in colonial times on the goldfields, gumfields or on such occasions as end-of-season woolshed dances on sheep stations to accompany jigs, reels, polkas and popular dances. The Kokatahi Band of Westland, formed in 1910 as a ‘goldfields’ band, has incorporated in its mix of folk instruments improvised items such as sheep-bone castanets (fig.4). Among home-made instruments popular at various periods have been a kerosene-tin fiddle (an entire ‘tin band’ has been reported as active in the lower North Island) and the flagonophone (also called the beer bottle saxophone), intricately cut from large bottles. A revivalist upsurge of interest in colonial dancing saw the development of ‘bush bands’ such as the Canterbury Crutchings Bush and Ceilidh Band in 1976 and the Pioneer Pog’n'Scroggin Bush Band (1980). Such bands today might include any number or variety of bush or country-style instruments: banjo, mandolin, guitar, piano accordion, dulcimer, autoharp, bush (or tea chest) bass, spoons and the showpiece-style lagerphone (a pole loosely hung with bottle tops), to name a few.

A variety of minority communities have perpetuated their folk music through clubs and associations. In the North Island popular performers at local events are descendants of 19th-century Bohemian settlers at Puhoi, who maintain a fiddle, accordion and dudelsack (bagpipe) band and perform dances such as the Egerlander polka. Similarly, descendants of Dalmatian kauri gumfield workers have a tamburica orchestra and perform the kolo, a traditional circle dance. The cultural activities of other groups, for example Chinese, Indian, Scandinavian, Dutch and Greek communities, and those of British descent (of which the Scots, long associated with pipe bands and Highland dancing, have strongly asserted a musical identity) are currently experiencing revitalization in the wake of a large inflow of new Asian residents. In Auckland, New Zealand's largest city, popularly dubbed ‘the multicultural capital’, an annual Maori and Pacific Islands Secondary Schools’ Cultural Festival is expanding to accommodate countries such as China, India, Thailand and Sri Lanka.

Traditional music in New Zealand in its various forms is featured also in film, radio and television programmes. A late-1990s performance of the haka Ka Mate! by Britain’s pop group the Spice Girls indicated the spread of one aspect of the genre.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

and other resources

maori music

E. Best: Games and Pastimes of the Maori (Wellington, 1925/R)

J.C. Andersen: Maori Music with its Polynesian Background (New Plymouth, 1934/R)

P. Buck: The Coming of the Maori (Christchurch, 1949, 2/1950)

M. McLean: ‘Oral Transmission in Maori Music’, JIFMC, xiii (1961), 59–63

M. McLean: ‘Song Loss and Social Context amongst the New Zealand Maori’, EthM, ix (1965), 296–304

M. McLean: ‘A New Method of Melodic Interval Analysis as Applied to Maori Chant’, EthM, x (1966), 174–90

M. McLean: ‘Cueing as a Formal Device in Maori Chant’, EthM, xii (1968), 1–10

M. McLean: ‘An Investigation of the Open Tube Maori Flute or kooauau’, Journal of the Polynesian Society, lxxvii (1968), 213–41

M. McLean: ‘An Analysis of 651 Maori Scales’, YIFMC, i (1969), 123–64

M. McLean: ‘Song Types of the New Zealand Maori’, SMA, iii (1969), 53–69

M. McLean: ‘The New Zealand Nose Flute: Fact or Fallacy?’, GSJ, xxvii (1974), 79–94

M. McLean and M. Orbell: Traditional Songs of the Maori (Wellington, 1975, 2/1990)

M. McLean: ‘Innovations in Waiata Style’, YIFMC, ix (1977), 27–37

M. McLean: ‘A Chronological and Geographical Sequence of Maori Flute Scales’, Man, xvii (1982), 123–57

M. McLean, ed.: Catalogue of Maori Purposes Fund Board Recordings (Auckland, 1983) [recordings made 1953–8]

J. Shennan: The Maori Action Song (Wellington, 1984)

M. McLean, ed.: Catalogue of Radio New Zealand Recordings of Maori Events 1938–1950, RNZ 1–60 (Auckland, 1991)

M. McLean and J. Curnow, eds.: Catalogue of McLean Collection of Recordings of Traditional Maori Songs 1958–1979, McL 1–1283 (Auckland, 1992)

R. Moyle: ‘Music Archives in the University of Auckland: the Archive of Maori and Pacific Music’, FAM, xxxix (1992), 220–24

M. McLean, ed.: Catalogue of National Museum Cylinder Collection (Auckland, 1993) [recordings made 1919–34]

M. McLean: Maori Music (Auckland, 1996)

european folk music

R. Bailey and H. Roth: Shanties by the Way: a Selection of New Zealand Popular Songs and Ballads (Christchurch, 1967)

F. Fyfe: A ‘Shanties’ or Two: a Study of a Bush Song (Wellington, 1970)

Songs of a Young Country: New Zealand Folksongs, Kiwi Pacific Records SLC 101–2 (1972)

N. Colquhoun, ed.: New Zealand Folksongs: Songs of a Young Country (Wellington, 1972) [documents songs on Kiwi SLC 101–2]

A. Annabell: Aspects of the New Zealand Folk Song Ethos (diss., U. of Auckland, 1975)

Music for Colonial Dancing, perf. Canterbury Bush Orchestra, Kiwi Pacific Records TC SLC-182 (1985)

P. Garland: Hunger in the Air: Songs of Old New Zealand, Kiwi Pacific Records TC LRF-191 (1986)

A. Annabell: ‘The Australian Influence on New Zealand Folk-Song’, Music in New Zealand, no.7 (1989–90), 34–7

L. Cleveland, ed.: The Great New Zealand Songbook (Auckland, 1991)

M. Harding: When the Pakeha Sings of Home: a Source Guide to the Folk and Popular Songs of New Zealand (Auckland, 1992)

A. Annabell: ‘New Zealand Folk Song: an Update with Reference to Resources in New Zealand Libraries’, FAM, xxxix (1992), 225–6

New Zealand