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- Total 0.4 % 0.8 % 4.2 % 15.4 % 33.3 % 45.7 % 234
Judgment (6 the best) 1 2 3 4 5 6 N Average The framework The home 1 6 15 22 5.64 The framework of work 3 6 13 22 5.45 The hotel and the meals 1 10 10 21 5.43 The animation Neutrality 1 5.5
2 11.5
20 5.1
Competence 1 11 10 22 5.41 The work in large group Quality of people resources 1 4
8 21 5.1 Quality of debates 4 5 9 4 22 4.59 Diversity of stakeholders 4 7
5 22 4.55 The work in a small group Quality of debates 1 1
6 8 21 4.9 Opportunity to take the floor 1 1
12 22 5.36 Possibility of exchanging arguments 3 7 12 22 5.41 Total 0.4 % 0.8 % 4.2 % 15.4 % 33.3 % 45.7 % 234 5.18 Illustration 51: evaluation Questionnaire of the jury citizen picto-charentais. Build the general interest " Waren Sie mit den Empfehlungen zufrieden? " On " Ja. (LATCH). Es war das vernunftigste, obwohl ich ruf mich personlich sehe, dass ich demnachst viel mehr werde bezahlen. ≪ (A2-10, 26:00). " It really was the whole of the climate and the whole world is concerned even if all do not know. These are not, for this subject at least, of the individual interests. ≪ (P7-9, 9.4 ). So it seems that neither the interests of the citizens, nor those of the other actors have not been able to impose such what. To characterize the final product from each of the two forums, we will therefore terpret attention has other elements of the empirical material. A first important index is provided by the analysis of the notion of social justice in the course of debates has Aix-la-Chapelle. When the first unit of work, the citizens had the opportunity to introduce themselves by their name and to say why they were the. While 32 of the 50 participants gave as motivation the issue of garbage, only three reported be the to speak of a more equitable distribution of the tax. The other participants were basing their interest on the more general question of waste (sorting and economic issues) or even a problem of nature rather personal (A1-1, 255 Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action? 36-51 And 54-57). An hour later, when is asked the question of the problems of the current system, only 16 votes on 385 emphasize that the tax is not oriented to the weight or the volume really picked up that is-a-say that it does not respect the principle of the polluter pays principle (A5-5, 46). Most of the citizens are rather interested in the issue of wild waste and by that of the reserve bag to packagings (yellow bag)22. At the beginning of the second day of the process, the Gerechtigkeit is always at the end of table (A5-5, 50), but it takes more and more importance in the course of the discussions and soon arrived in the first position of the votes when it comes to cite the benefits of the system combining the model has a column with a fixed tax (A5-5, 53). From that time and until the end, the theme of social justice will accompany the whole of votes and the discussions of the participants. Finally if we look at the action plans, the fair tax takes a major role. If the citizens favor the single tax, they are doing so with knowledge of cause and propose solutions to face the problem of unfairness caused by such a system. In order to promote the selective sorting and the reduction of the quantity produced, they propose to divide the loads between a fixed part and a variable part. The first corresponding to a standard volume of garbage torque has a free volume of recyclables (paper and compost). The variable part to cover the additional volume as well as the collection of bulky. If one turns to the process picto-charentais, we note that the notion of general interest there is from the beginning more evident and presented, and the citizens have continued to put in before they are the to make comprehensive recommendations concerning all the acteurs23. The set of interviews tends to confirm this impression: has Aix-la-Chapelle as a Poitiers, participants, stakeholders, politicians and organizers agree to say that the recommendations are going more in the direction of the general interest that in the defense of individual interests. For some, this state of fact is logical, automatically derived from the process, for others it takes to the group and has its Constitution24. We can conclude from these of elements 22Subject which does not officially part of the discussion because it is outside of the jurisdiction of the commune and does not fall within the framework of the tax. 23See P6-6-4 (15) : " I know that there are political trends that diverge, but the interest is the national interest. This is the international interest same. Everyone is going to participate. I asked the region to bring the elected representatives of opposition, to convince them, to encourage them to understand and accept certain things to advance the approaches that are the their. " On This kind of intervention enamelled the whole jury. 24See A3-6 (15:44) : " Das ist der Charme der Gesamtveranstaltung und aber auch die Herausforderung year den TeilnehmerInnen aus den Vortragen die da angeboten werden, die Essenz raus zu ziehen und zu objektivieren und dann zu einem Gesamtbild zu Montag Kommen. ≪ Or P3-1 (41:05) : " I think that everyone wanted to move things, but not personally but publicly. " On " From the beginning? " On " not the first day, everybody wanted to put his personal touch, there was a sort of rivalry but then with 256 2. Represented by the drawing and the deliberation? That none of the interests present a priori is imposed as such, but that it was on the contrary could observe a process of reinterpretation and fusion which has given birth in set of recommendations that we could describe as the general interest. 2.2.3 .2representatives of a new type A perspective of long-term " Daruber hinaus ist geplant, die Mullgebuhren in Aachen langfristig vollstandig abzuschaffen und stattdessen auf Produkte umzulegen - wie es bislang beim Dualen System der Fall war. ≪ (A5-5, 90). The meal on the first evening it is the or there are links that are created. ≪ 257 Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action? The empirical material provides in addition two elements leaving has suggests that the interests that we had qualified for indirect have been taken into account. In the first place, the participants shall bring the long-term in the heart of their final recommendations that an analysis of the titles of the plans of actions has Aix-la-Chapelle puts forward: 10 of them sociology thematises the question of the protection of the environment, in speaking of " Sorting ", " reduction of the production ", " Fairmeidung ≪25, of " future clean and fair ", etc. conversely, only three titles focus on the question of the control of costs in the short term. Poitiers has the long-term is reflected by the insistence on the need for a change of scale (P6-8-1, 11 but also 13 and 21-22) and nourishes the debates. In Poitou-Charentes for example, the citizens often appeal to the concepts of sustainable development or of generations futures26. A Aix-la-Chapelle, the plan that collects the most of suffrage of participants internally in two of the four groups is that the more clearly oriented toward the future (cf. highlights)27. Another major indicator of the integration of indirect interests is the fact that the citizens are looking to the fate of the missing. A Aix-la-Chapelle it is mainly the socio-professional categories below which are taken into account in the votes intermediaries (A5-5, 67) and in the concluding recommendations with for example the request of the funding of an educational program for selective sorting seconded by the dissemination of information in languages other than German (A5-5, 90). Recommendation which is translated in Poitiers in the form of a request for a " dialog with the public (all the pu25Game Of word based on the mixture between Fair and Vermeidung. The first term refers to the social justice and the second, literally " avoidance " on, returns in this framework to the fact to produce less waste: it is therefore produce less to be more fair. 26See for example (P6-6-4, 38): " In regard to the problems of hunger in the world today and the surge in the prices of cereals, the agrofuels of first generation should no longer exist. ≪ 27During the last unit, the citizens could vote on the plans of the sub-groups of their Planungszelle, with a voice for the issue of the census, a voice for that of the shape of the tax and a voice for the other elements of the plan. 258
2. Represented by the drawing and the deliberation? Blic) ≪ it is-a-say " including those who are in a situation of isolation as, for example, some immigrants " (P8-6-1, 11). A deep refusal policy develop an important agonistic " On the whole, it were the experts, except the second week when policies are made. I did not find it very constructive. Ca affects us all and there should be no differences. This thing should be outside the policy and we would make. Now this is a step forward a not in rear. ≪ (P3-2, 28:21). " EIB dem Politikerhearing, hat man die Vorurteile bestatigt, die man hatte. Die haben sich direkt gestritten. "≪ Konntest of mitreden? ≪ " Nein, die haben untereinander gesprochen. Wir waren wieder Publikum. ≪ (A2-14, 16:23). One of the results the most surprising of the study has been to see at what point the participants are both allergic and fatalistic face has the opposition between policy develop an important agonistic and what they call for the most " non-political " (P3-10, 26:30). This last is for them the place of the discussion, the debate, cooperation for " Advancing the things " (P3-1, 04:04), and the Planungszelle as the jury of citizens in are expressions perfect. Conversely, the policy develop an important agonistic is the one who disturbs the debates, which is infertile and that it must undergo at the meeting with the representatives of the political parties. During the discussions in small groups, the partisan memberships are carefully avoided or quickly bent when they appear all of same (A1-2). In plenary, the self-censorship is even stronger. The weather plays an important role in this refusal: in " 4 days ", there is no time to lose to " put [the] political differences in before " (P3-3, 24:30). All of the interviews with the participants is its grains of remarks censuring the confrontational posture of political actors and their inability to find an agreement on subjects which should be, in their opinion, consensual (cf. highlights). The temptation to exceed the mandate This is the implementation in reality, it is a process of Reprasentation : the citizens, armed with information more and more numerous and various deem the various interests at stake and the weigh, they take the game and exceed their original mandate, on the thematic plan but 259 Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action? Also a procedural. A Aix-la-Chapelle the participants contest, and this in the four Planungszellen, some of the questions asked and the reformulate (A1-1, 86 or A1-2, 104). A Poitiers, that is the mandate itself which is called into question, the three questions raised by the region to the jury are disputed, discussed and then reformulated (P1-1, 29). The same is true for the reciprocal commitments between region and participants who are changed between the first and the second session before be endorsed (P6-6 -2). We found finally in the introduction of the final opinion a recommendation of nature methodologique28. This temptation is going even beyond the participation in itself, it overflows on the after-forum. In Germany, a part of the participants interviewed stated be in contact in order to prepare a press release if the report citizen did not meet their expectations (A2-2, 29:08). A Poitiers, a participant has the act and testified in a regional newspaper of his experience (P6-13). In this process of interference, the " ringleaders " play a central role. Indeed, in the two cases, the set of actors identify some participants as being of the ringleaders, who speak more, pose questions in plenary more often, and are more a same to raise procedural issues without however being able to lead the debates or in terms of opinion (A2-2, 12:07). They provide a conduct reflective of the process, leaving a play sometimes with the nerves of the facilitators, who recognize yet the role engine of these participants (A5-1, 28:00). We note also that the citizens do not hesitate has exceed their thematic mandate and will take the game to the representation: a Aix-la-Chapelle they advocate to change the act of 28 (P6-8, 7) : " If the Region wishes that juries citizens continue to assess global policies such as that of the fight against climate change, it would be desirable that it provide a pre-assessment with encrypted data, understandable by the layman and to measure the budgetary efficiency has the euro invested. But may-be should it tighten drastically the domain has deal which could then be focused on topics such as: how to integrate the fight against climate change in the building permits? What financial solutions to induce individuals to isolate their housing or has invest in systems ... operating with renewable energies? ≪ 260
Illustration 53: a proposal which exceeds the mandate is the favorite of the participants (in down on the sheet added). 2. Represented by the drawing and the deliberation? Land on a technical point out completely of the mandate and this recommendation draws the vast majority of the votes (figure 53, p. 260). They also propose to submit the governed municipal has an audit in order to see whether we could not reduce its costs of operation (P5-5, 79). A Poitiers, the question of the change of scale, which was not included in the three issues of the mandate, becomes a crucial point for the opinion and occupies a block around thematic of final recommendations (P6-8, 21). 2.2.4 ... Who knows the limits 2.2.4 .1The Repräsentation hampered Aix and Poitiers: when the special interests have reemerged
A Aix-la-Chapelle, the interests a priori do not seem to impose since the citizens choose in majority the single tax disadvantage that statistically 60% of present. However, if we class the citizens according to their type of habitat, we realize that the majority of the participants resides in small buildings or houses that is-a-say that they are taking advantage of the single tax (cf. highlights). We should therefore reverse the previous conclusion: the group of citizens over-represented in the mini-public acts to defend its interests and ignores those of the rest of the population (A3-2, 06:13). In parallel, a Poitiers, we can interpret the recommendations such as the translation of the interests of the regional majority: the citizens respond in a particularly positive way has the first question, the question of evaluation. In addition, they advise has the region to continue its actions, to strengthen and do not sociology thematises the other cyclical interests present a priori. They reject in addition the representatives of the opposition. How to explain this state of fact? The citizens have-they are hampered in their activity of representation? What interests are actually imposed? 261 Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action? Poitiers: unable to say no? We can raise a Poitiers a number of procedural through which have able to achieve an over-representation of the interests of the region. First of all, the number of stakeholders from the region or close to the latter was the majority. It was not only that of the vice-presidents, but also the first " expert " on, director of services has the region. The second day, one of the three speakers in the first session was a member of the CESR. Finally during the last session, the director of services was present again. Then, apart from two elected representatives of the opposition, no one is here to present an opinion contradictory on the policy pursued by the region, even though such players could be mobilised. Finally, the region as an institution was present during the whole of the first session of work through one or several of the organizers, whose presence one could suspect that it has resulted in a certain degree of self-censorship of citizens. Five arguments speak however has discharge. First, it is necessary to make a obvious: the Poitou-Charentes region was without doubt one of the institutions the most committed and the most advanced in France in the field of the fight against climate change. It was therefore objectively difficult for the citizens to criticize its action29. Secondly, the need to combat climate change is structurally almost not put in question. The possibility that citizens arise in contradiction with this majority opinion was therefore rather minimal. Moreover, when one of the elected representatives of the opposition questioned the relationship between climate change and human activity, he was widely criticized. The participants therefore had a opinion comparable to that of the region independently of it. Thirdly, the citizens most critics have questioned the deliberative process and the uneven provision of information but never the fact that it is taking action against climate change. Fourthly, if we look at the evaluation portion of the opinion there are critical remarks on the action of the region (P6-8-1, 8-9). Finally, none of the partners interviewed after the jury declared having been gene by the presence of the region (P3-1 has P3-10). In the light of these arguments, one can reasonably draw the following conclusion: the citizens did not have full freedom to say no and oppose frontally attacks has the action and the inte29This Means a contrario that the region had chosen a topic on which she took very little risk. But according to the organizers (P5-3 ; P5-4), the subject had been chosen because the environment was not only a pillar of the regional policy but that he represented in more than one area or the region had the most skills. It was for they sense, therefore, to do assess this area rather than a subordinate policy. 262 2. Represented by the drawing and the deliberation? Toils of the region for the main reason that the latter was already a very good student in the fight against global warming and that themselves were convinced of the need for action in this area. It is probably like this can one understand the insistence on change of scale: the citizens wanted to play their role of representatives and have the opportunity to formulate something by themselves, which is their own. Aix: " Zielkonflikte ausbalancieren "30 But let us go back to Aix-la-Chapelle or, as we have seen, the citizens opt in majority for the maintenance of a model has a column (17 plans on 19) benefiting the people more affluent and over-represented in the Planungszellen, which would amount to a defense of mathematical interests. A detailed analysis of the results requires however a temper this judgment. First of all, virtually all plans offer solutions to minimize the negative impact of the system has a column on the population it disadvantage the most. So, we see the recommendations concerning the authorisation of compress the garbage (therefore optimizing the flows in the large ensembles in which the problem of " liters empty paid " on is the more acute) or the request to base the key to calculating tax not more on the surface of the apartment but on actual production of waste. Secondly, most of the citizens justify their choice of the model has a column by highlighting that a model has two or three columns would be more just at first sight but would eventually turn against the whole of the citizens, and this for several reasons. First of all, such a tax would result in an increase of the volume of waste wild that he should pick up in one way or another. Then, these arrangements would reduce the incentive to sort which would increase the costs of treatment of residual waste and reduce the financial receipts coupled has a sort of qualite31. Finally, the model has two or three columns would require a logistical effort of calculation of several taxes for each household which would result in an overall cost therefore higher by a generalized increase in the tax in gross terms and by an unfolding30( P5-5, 79) : title of one of the plans of action translatable by " balancing the conflicting goals. ≪ 31In effect, as several speakers emphasized during the discussions, a differentiated tax depending on the type of waste pushes a part of the population is not availing of paper bins and compost in order to make savings. But these homes produce all of even this type of garbage, and they are encouraged either has to get rid in the dustbin reserved for residual waste either has them do the " tourism " on it is-a-say throw them in edge of road or near containers intended for other purposes: this are the wild waste. 263
Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action? TION of its calcul32. In reality, the logic has the implementation is the following: for the participants, the justice resides in the principle of the polluter pays principle and they stress throughout the units of work the importance of Verursachergerechtigkeit, literally the " justice for those responsible " (A5-5, 57). This pushes has to want to include the merchants and the industry in the new tax by going on the contrary of the interests of these actors. This interpretation also explains why the citizens are both troubled by " the wild waste " which are the sign of an injustice because it cannot identify the perpetrators but that the costs that are related must be brought by the entire community (A5-5, 68). In the end, and as the perfectly summarises the title of one of the plans, it should be " balance between conflicting objectives ≪, weigh between categories such as simplicity, the gross cost and net cost, the importance of individual behavior and the need to make joint efforts, justice arithmetic and geometric. We find the idea of a general interest at the crossroads of societal requirements and of the freedom of the individual. If the status quo is imposed, it is because it was for the participants the best way to achieve this equilibre33. 2.2.4 .2a golden cage An external mandate and imperative " Der Auftrag war, eine gerechtere Verteilung der Mullgebuhren zu-. ≪ (A2-1, 10:50). " We must do as a jury of Assisi, we must give our response of citizen and not an expert. We must answer three questions and bring new ideas. ≪ (P1-1, 50). The whole of the activity representative of citizens is yet limited by a series of contingencies that we cannot ignore the first of which is the question of the mandate. The latter is fixed by the principal authority which therefore can carefully choose the question, and ask the limits. A Aix-la-Chapelle, the municipal council excludes all questions concerning 32As the stressed stark one of respondents (A2-2, 32:55) : " Das Thema war etwas mit Gerechtigkeit. Wir haben bemerkt, dass gerechte Verteilung Blodsinn allein ist, vor german, weil die deutschen neigen dazu, etwas so lange gerecht zu Machen, bis es uberhaupt nicht mehr handhabbar ist. Aussi, wir haben gesagt: das wichtigste ist, dass es is as easy as making ist und, dass es gerecht aussieht. ≪ 33For an example of this attitude, cf. A6-4 (7.1 ) : " Wie dachten Sie direkt nach der Erfahrung uber die Ergebnisse der Planungszelle? " On " Ich war froh dass unsere Planungszelle meinte, went beim alten zu lassen, weil ich das fur die Kostengunstigste, unkomplizierteste und gerechteste Losung stopover. ≪ 264 2. Represented by the drawing and the deliberation? The organization of the municipal government (A2-2, 14:46). A Poitiers, the region posed a question on a subject consensual in a policy area in which its balance sheet is good. In this sense, the participants receive an imperative mandate. In addition, they do not understand themselves but receive a theme of work, with an agenda that they can theoretically not influence: the stakeholders, as well as the representatives of the individual interests invited to submit their views, are fixed in advance. We saw earlier that the citizens will not leave completely confine within these limits, but same as well, they have a low margin of maneuver, with however a difference between the two experiments; the procedural format chosen has Poitiers has allowed a greater freedom of action of citizens, as we will see in the next chapter. Note that such a limitation can be interpreted either as the realization of a hold of the theory of democracy random (which sought to reduce the independence of representatives) either as a sign of failure those who call for their wishes of sorpresentants masters of their agenda. TO forced march toward the general interest " The problem is that we all put our questions in a funnel. At the end, ca is coming out in a barrel. Namely if the concentrate will be good or the concentrate will be vinegar, have faith. ≪ (P6-6-4, 13). A detailed look at the process has the implementation in the two forums clearly shows that everything is done to push the citizens toward a position taking into account all the interests. Thus, the mandate has Aix-la-Chapelle was not the formulation of recommendations for the new tax but the formulation of recommendations to make the new tax more fair (A5-5, 18). The questions asked in the various units of work were, they also, the emphasis on this aspect, which has default, perhaps there would be not been mentioned or made priority by citizens (cf. illustration 54, p. 266). A Poitiers also, the mandate focused on recommendations for action the regional actors, issue non-neutral in itself which gave a direction to the project. This finding is at first sight trivial since Planungszellen juries and citizens have been specifically designed for the purpose of allowing participants to make recommendations of general interest. The fact remains that such an observation led to two conclusions about the test of theoretical expectations. First, it confirms that the two models chosen are not adapted to the test of the proposals 265 Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action? In which deliberation is not a central component. Secondly, this raises the question of the real power of the speakers, facilitators and organizers. The power to the speakers, facilitators and organizers?
We have seen previously that the citizens to act very independently of the individual interests doors by the stakeholders. They recognize as such, give them an informative role central but have no illusions about their neutrality that they do wish to not even. On the contrary, they consider that the influence they have is of a positive nature, since it helps to advance the debats34. In fact, it even seems that stakeholders are more hard with themselves and see themselves as potentially dangerous and in ability to influence citizens (A3-3, 07:00 ; P4-1, 20:41). The empirical material therefore seems rather show that the power of the stakeholders is fairly limite35. The animators as has them, do not seem too concerned about their power (P5-1, 45:00) and are not seen as that can strongly influence the decision-making process and the deliberations of the citizens. They are judges as neutral and competent in their work of animation36. The 34P3-1 (16:23) : " Thinkest thou that the stakeholders can influence the opinion of citizens? " " Yes " " Is that what it is? ≪ " Ah yes ... ah yes, ca helps to advance much more quickly the things. ≪ 35We shall revert to this point as a cross in the next chapter. 36For Poitiers see illustration 51, p. 255. A Aix-la-Chapelle, 83 of the 89 respondents to the final questionnaire consider the neutrality of animators as " high " or " very high " on and six the consider as " in the average " (A5-5, 94). The interviews confirm this impression. Cf. A2-10 (24:09) or P3-3 (15:30). 266
Illustration 54: Example of questionnaire for the work in a small group. 2. Represented by the drawing and the deliberation? Only strong criticism has their respect is in reality has understood as a criticism of their role of organizers. In effect, Poitiers, the animators were also organizers and it is this double quality which has been criticized by some participants. A Aix-la-Chapelle on the contrary, one of the organizers is remains purely in this role, which has probably reinforced the sense of neutrality of the organization team in the eyes of the citizens. But we see here the crucial question of the exact power of the organizers on the mini-public. The latter does not appear to be negligible since the latter fix, in agreement with the constituents, the list of stakeholders - it is-a-say in reality the list of interests - which may take the floor during deliberations. They also define the program of work, the intermediate questions, and can define the methodology used to aggregate the opinions. The real power to set the agenda is therefore between their hands, which begun strongly the independence of the activity of representation of participants. A situation that can be compounded if the agents also play the role of organizers. Specifically, it seems that a Poitiers certain interests particularly critical have not had a place in the debates. As well, a regional association of fight against the establishment of wind turbines has she not been invited during the discussion with the actors regionaux37. Of the same no intervener " officially " on criticism on the connection between global warming and human activity has been invited during the session with the three experts of the first weekend. A choice openly assumed by the constituents/organizers who argue that the purpose of the jury was not to discuss the problem of global warming but rather to assess the action already carried out and to propose new tracks (P4-1, 24:00 ; P5-1, 18:28). Even more critical was the fact that some stakeholders are at the same time constituents and organizers. A Aix-la-Chapelle, the situation seems to have been more clear, although the organizers had resorted - or rather have seen impose - some speakers by the institution principal. It can therefore be concluded that the control of the agenda by the organizers and facilitators is able to compromise the theoretical expectation of a renewed representation, without in so far as this is automatic. 37Removing by the same any contradictory nature to the debate given that the other players were all three assets in the field of sustainable development and therefore little inclined to criticize the regional initiatives that were going in the direction of their interests. 267 Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action?
If one is now on the questions posed in the introduction of the reflection on the activity of representation in the two mini-public, one can draw the following balance sheet. A Aix-la-Chapelle as a Poitiers, it has been observed nor a pure mathematical defense of the interests of the constituents, nor a game of reciprocity reflexive nor even a single reconvergence of interests but a mixture of the three in the form of a definition of the general interest. The participants are entered into the world of complexity and have - guides by the hand - formula what they thought was the general interest taking into account not only their interests but also a maximum of other points of views sometimes divergent, of times even absent during the forum. In response to the question of the limitation of adverse effects of the professionalization of the political, we note well a position of independence vis-a-vis the interests in presence. If some are reflected in recommendations or are particularly put in before, it is because the participants are convinced of their legitimacy. In this framework, the expression jury seems to take all its meaning. Concerning the problem of the Fraktionszwang, we can already note the propensity of participants to reject the policy develop an important agonistic and has to put in a long-term thinking. By report has the question of control of the political agenda and has the concomitant of the mandate, it has been observed that if the citizens have a strong inclination to exceed their original mandate and to interfere more forward in the agenda, the latter is, in the first instance fixed from the outside and is reflected by an imperative mandate. The efforts of the participants of the effects within the procedure but little has the outside. 2.3A accountability satisfactory in the eyes of the actors
We have seen in chapter 3 that the authors supporters of the prize draw are genes by the question of the accountability of ex post and they put forward a form more diffuse accountability centered on the representative character ex ante of the sample as well as on the existence of a relationship between the members of the latter and the public opinion. Some authors argue for their part that the accountability is not necessary since the group drawn by lot 268 2. Represented by the drawing and the deliberation? Represents de facto the whole of the population and that the accountability would put its impartiality in game. To translate these expectations we will proceed in such a way as inductive in seeking what the actors of the two projects define them-even as theaccountability in light in each case if it took place at Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers. 2.3 .2a concept sum any classic of theaccountability " What was different in relation to other forums where i rise of habit ... it was the character of invested members of the jury of citizens, to feel responsible for a mission that they had been entrusted and to which they had responded present virtually body and soul ... they had a copy has make and they felt responsible. In other forums such as the academic conferences, there is more to assert staff. The there was the determination to bring about a common work. ≪ P4-1 (14:06). The empirical material gives a see that the actors of the two countries rely, against the theoretical expectations, on a classical concept of theaccountability view as the accountability of representatives to their constituents objectives and subjective, by formal and informal means, with the possibility of sanctions and with an expectation of reciprocity. 2.3.2 .1Accountable to constituents objectives and subjective The citizens learned the fate have received in the two countries an official mandate from the hand of the commune and the region. Mandate endorsed by the signing of a commitment in the two countries that was the condition of payment of the compensation for participation. The campaign of interviews revealed that participants have also had the feeling to have to be accountable to the whole of their fellow citizens (P6-6-4, 51). An obligation of a moral nature based on the fact that they had the feeling of having been chosen to represent all the citizens of their city or region (cf. illustration 47, p. 245). 2.3.2 .2by formal and informal ways of
To fulfill this mission the participants reported having had several means at their disposal. First of all, they are supported on the report citizen who represented the document 269 Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action? Official and public by which they responded to the mandate and rendered the formal accounts. The remit of the report at a ceremony remains in the two countries a key moment of the accountability process for all the actors. Such an event is an opportunity for the participants to terminate symbolically their work as representatives and to entrust the outcome of their deliberation to representative bodies classics just as much as has the whole of the public sphere (P3-3, 00:48). On a more informal, they took the initiative to make its accounts in the public sphere, including the press (P6-13). They finally have to most endorsed the role of multiplier in their entourage by a process of personal accountability (A6-1 has A6-10 PROBE and P7-1 to P7-9, 10.1 a 11.5 ). 2.3.2 .3with possibility of sanctions In a representative framework classic, the sanction of the accountability is the (non) -re-election. The participants in the two forums interpret as has them the notion of sanction in the form of the taken into account or not of their recommendations by the representative sphere traditional (A6-1 has A6-10 PROBE and P7-1 to P7-9, 7.1 and 7.2 ). They articulate that the whole exercise would be only a farce if the recommendations are not considered (P2-1 to P2-22, in particular the question 8). 2.3.2 .4and reciprocal manner Up to the present, it was therefore a kind of parallel between theaccountability classic and the one in play during the mini-public. The empirical study leaves however show a significant difference since the representatives learned the fate who are accountable to their constituents elected by vote, are expecting a " return ofaccountability " on the part of the latter. It is-a-say that they continually stress the importance that has for them the fact that the commune of Aix-la-Chapelle and the Regional Council of Poitou-Charentes meet their recommendations. This expectation is shared by the players who have put in place the experiments in the purpose, among others, to fulfill their own obligation ofaccountability. It is the final in the presence of a interactive design and reciprocal accountability. The latter is all of the same discount in question by the opponents was the establishment of the jury of citizens and of the Planungszelle, who deny - as we shall see later - the legitimacy of same sorpresentants and by way of consequence their capacity and their ability to render accounts. 270 2. Represented by the drawing and the deliberation?
The empirical investigation therefore tends to show that accountability has the implementation at the two mini-public is of classic form with a character innovative interactive. The expectations of the theory therefore do not appear from this point of view totally realized. Yüklə 3,57 Mb. Dostları ilə paylaş:
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