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- Template Theme and Country Year Participants Source
| Participants
Source Planungszelle Urban Planning - Germany 1976 129
Garbe (1980) Planungszelle Urban Planning - Germany 1978 150
Dienel & al. (1984) Planungszelle Energy policy - Germany 1982 482
Renn & al. (1985) Consensus Conference Human Biotechnology - Denmark 1995 15
Planungszelle Assessment of social risks (energy policy) - Germany 1996 220
Wienhofer & al. (1996) Planungszelle Genetically modified organisms (GMOS) - Germany 1996 194
Planungszelle Land Use Planning - Germany 1993 198
Carius & al. (1996) Citizens' Jury Environment - United Kingdom 1997 16
Conference of citizens GMOS - France 1998 14
Consensus Conference GMOS in the food chain - Australia 1999 14
Crombie & née Ducker (2000) Hybrid: Citizens' Jury (CJ) and Televote (T) Environment (setpoint) - Australia 2001
400 (T) 11 (CJ) White (2001) Carson (2001)
Consumer Protection - Germany 2002 423
Hendriks (2004) Planungszelle Family Policy - Austria 2004 73
Citizens' Jury Environment (traffic and air pollution) - Italy 2006 63
Bobbio & al. (2006) Deliberative Poll European policy - Denmark 2000 364
Andersen & Hansen (2007) Hybrid
Land Use Planning - European Union 2007
340 Guiheneuf (2009) 314 1. Of Hagen in Sydney and Vancouver to Wenling: The potential of mini-public Template Theme and Country Year Participants Source Deliberative Poll European policy - European Union 2007 362
Luskin & al. (2008) Hybrid
European policy - European Union 2007
1800 Goldschmidt & al. (2008) Citizens' Jury GMOS - India 2001 19
Mini-public General
- - Wakeford & al. (2008) Citizens' Assembly Electoral reform - Canada 2004 160
Warren & Pearse (2008) Lang (2008) Citizen Jury Household waste - France 2004 12
Citizens' Assembly General
- - Smith (2009a) Mini-public Energy Policy (nuclear) - Sweden 2006 135
Gronlund & al. (2010) Deliberative Poll Urban Planning - China 2005 257
Fishkin & al. (2010) Illustration 60: Corpus of empirical studies of mini-Public Notices.1. 1.2The Repräsentation 1.2.1Stellvertretung and symbolic representation: The cross-section is confirmed The observation of the results of the draw in a large number of experiments confirmed the results of the empirical survey: this is the cross-section which dominates with bias toward an age higher than the average (Hrach Melkumyan 2005, 79) and to the socio-professional categories median (Luskin & al. 2008, 3; Warren & Pearse 2008, 10). It does not seem to be a correlation between the gross number of participants and the quality of the representativeness of the sample. Small groups can be very diverse and the great show some significant biases vis-a-vis the overall population. On the other hand the diversity seems to depend heavily on the recruitment model chosen for the mini-public. The draw without quotas on lists of inhabitants double of a written invitation and a visit or a phone contact seems the most efficient models in order to achieve a formal representation faithful of the base population (Dienel & al. 1984, 58). The introduction of quotas seems to be the preferred route in most of the experiments in part to control the danger of an imbalance too strong, especially when a particular characteristic of the basic population puts in danger the ability has 1It was limited literature has a maximum of two studies by case and introduces some sectional studies concerning several jobs of a model. 315 Chapter 6: The contours of a policy aleatorienne Enter into a process of dialog control2. However, it was seen that in the case of Aix-la-Chapelle the variable " center-periphery " chosen by the organizers and regarded as central to the recommendations has proved non-pertinente3. The symbolic representation is little addressed in the studies taken into account here, and it is necessary to supplement the research in this area. When a few elements the concerning are reported, they tend to show that the citizens not learned the fate were not of rejection in principle against the representation by drawing and are even inclined to recognize as legitimate. This is for example the result of Cutler & al. (2008) concerning the voters in the referendum has consecutive the citizens assembly of British Columbia. The participants, on their side, acquire in many cases the feeling of representing their fellow citizens (Dienel & al. 1984, 175 ; Andersen & Hansen 2007, 550). The results of chapter 5 are therefore confirmed, on a basis of results however few in number. 1.2 .2The Repräsentation : representatives citizens in a golden cage 1.2.2 .1The forces of the representation by the drawing and the deliberation The combination between drawing and deliberation transformed in the vast majority of cases the participants who put themselves in a position to formulate what they consider be the common good, the dipped beam and sometimes well beyond the individual interests in the presence (Carius & al. 1996, 99; Warren & Pearse 2008, 80-81). The mathematical representation of interests and altruism selfish do not dominate the recommendations of participants (Fishkin & al. 2010, 6-7). During the forum, they tend to play the game and become the representatives, they exceed their imperative mandate (Kurunganti & al. 2008, 19; Barber & al. 2009, 198) and take a position of critical listening (Wienhofer & al. 1996, 67; Aldred & Jacobs 2000, 228). What the empirical studies show with force, is that the theoretical expectation that the draw can give birth to a new type of representatives is fulfilled in the mini-public. The figure of the citizen representative of a day, the " sorpresentant ≪, is not only a view of the spirit, it is a reality confirmed by the practice. Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers are therefore not of exceptions of point of view. 2See for example (Gronlund & al. 2010) Concerning an experience on nuclear energy. 3Cf. point 2, p. 325 et seq. 316
1. Of Hagen in Sydney and Vancouver to Wenling: The potential of mini-public 1.2.2 .2a closed process in too short a time or the limits of the representation by drawing The activity of representative within mini-public is however subject has five major limitations that we had been able to identify in the context of experiences provence and picto-charantaise and which confirm elsewhere. First, the mandate is limited and fixed from the outside (Smith 2009a, 89). Because of this, the activity of representative of the participants takes place in a reservoir. Secondly, the facilitators and organizers have a position which makes possible a degree of manipulation in the preparation of the forums (Dienel & al. 1984, 94-99). A third limit linked to the first two is that of the time constraint. Some forums will only last a day (Fishkin & al. 2010, 5) and even when an exceptional period of one year is sometimes reached (Warren & Pearse 2008), the average is rather around 3 to 5 days, and this raises the question of the net capacity gain of connaissances4. This element, added to the observation of the rejection of the policy develop an important agonistic, resulted in addition on a certain directional signs toward positions " centrists " and made of common places (Wienhofer & al. 1996, 70; Hrach Melkumyan 2005, 101). If added to this the danger that the general interest is put forward to the detriment of the interests of the weakest (Hendriks 2004, 232). The fear of a dilution of the real political issues in a desire for cooperation has any price formulated by certain theoretical approaches (Phillips 1995; Young 2000) is therefore not without foundation. Concerning the individual power of the citizens, the table is contrast: if in most cases the participants declare that their opinion has been taken into account (Warren & Pearse 2008, 71-77), it is almost impossible to criticize the procedure and its conduct otherwise than by exposing himself to the criticism of the rest of the group or even that in before to exclude themselves (Barbier & al. 2009, 205). This case of figure, that we had been able to observe a Poitiers and has Aix-la-Chapelle, is reproduced in many experiments (Hrach Melkumyan 2005, 96). 4THAT is to say the difference between the point of departure and the point of arrival of the deliberation (Price 2000). 317
Chapter 6: The contours of a policy aleatorienne 1.3The participation 1.3 .1Present and Absent From the point of view of motivations has the participation, Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers were no exception to the general trend: the subject and the model are the major determinants in all cases. The money can play an important role, especially among young people (Hrach Melkumyan 2005, 83) and in the socio-economic layers the least favored regions (Garbe 1980, 240) and filled as well the role that was assigned by the creators of the models. As in Germany and France, the assets in politics are over-represented but in proportions not alarming (Mayer & al. 1995, 113 ; Hrach Melkumyan 2005, 81). Once entered in the procedure, the participants remain there and the dropout rate observed in the field is very low (Warren & Pearse 2008, 10) except exception (Barbier & al. 2009, 198). The question of the rates of participation is a recurring theme in the empirical studies and although it is impossible to note a trend unambiguous, it seems that the response rate declined with the time: while the team of Dienel came at the beginning of 1980 has the participation rates higher than 25% (Garbe, 1980 200 ; Dienel & al. 1984, 58), the average seems today more close to 2 has 5% (Wienhofer 1996, 78; Hrach Melkumyan 2005, 77). China is an exception to this trend (Fishkin & al. 2010, 4). If the recruitment method chosen there is probably to much (Andersen & Hansen 2007, 535), it does not appear to be the explanatory variable unique and more research are desirable in this field.5. The general finding is the following: the people did not wait with impatience the opportunities of participations, you are going to get it has major reinforcements of telephone calls, invitations and financial arrangements: Create an offer is not enough, it must generate the demande6. 1.3 .2The citizen competence If one is interested in the way in which the participants deliberating, the registries to which they appeal and to the level of sophistication of their recommendations, we note that the results of all the studies confirm those of the previous chapter: the citizens are mobilizing their knowledge of use, but also the technical and social skills that infuse the comprehen5See Infra, 2.3 , p. 338. 6Cf. infra, p. 325 et seq. 318 1. Of Hagen in Sydney and Vancouver to Wenling: The potential of mini-public Final recommendations (Hendriks 2004, 209). These latter are evidence of a level of jurisdiction, sometimes judge higher than this that the instances of traditional planning had been able to put in place (Garbe 1980, 217). Some of the studies arrive however has the conclusion that the technical level of the discussions is high that if one considers that it is of ordinary citizens, especially when the participants receive a complex mandate or concerning the evaluation of a public policy (Price 2000). It is therefore not surprising that the participants in Poitiers felt in difficulty to evaluate the regional policy on a subject so vast that the warming climatique7, all the while achieving during the debates themselves a level of competence important on the specific points has the agenda (bio-fuels, wind turbines, etc). The research therefore supports the hypothesis that the competence of the participants in the mini-public is located halfway between the competence and multifaceted spontaneous expected by the authors theoretical and total incompetence fear by opponents of the model. 1.3 .3a effect of empowerment important The mini-public were devised by their inventors as the place where laymen receive balanced information; it is therefore not surprising that the whole of the empirical studies confirm the observation carried out in Germany and in France: the citizens earn during the few days of their participation a large quantity of Fachkompentenzen (Joly & al. 2000, VI ; Fishkin & al. 2010, 7). When a subsequent survey was conducted, it shows the effects of activation, on the short but also in the long term, comparable to those observed in Aix-la-Chapelle and has Poitiers (Dienel & al. 1984, 151 ; Psotta 1981, 132-145 ; Modrow-Thiel 1988, 168-170). However, in some experiments, the effect of activation is low, which suggests that there is a correlation between empowerment and variables as the topic or methodology, assumptions which remain a check. 7For background, see P5-1 (32:30) : " ca would have changed things if we had taken a theme in environmental policy, such as renewable energy. And we would have asked the group to express as an assessment on this specific subject. Whereas, the term evaluation is a little usurped because the document that they have been produced to make an assessment, it is not one. ≪ 319
Chapter 6: The contours of a policy aleatorienne 1.4The deliberation and the power of the people 1.4 .1Information, discussion, aggregation: a situation enviable deliberative The entire set of studies on the mini-public arrive has similar conclusions to those of the experiments of Aix-la-Chapelle and of Poitiers. During the forums, the participants are immersed in a situation which allows them to return in a argumentative process constructive and collaborative (Andersen & Hansen 2007, 540): the conditions for the proper deliberation are met. This situation knows of variations and some micro-procedures seem more has even to guarantee the quality of the process. The combination of moments of deliberation and aggregation which characterize the Planungszellen more than many other models seems particularly effective has to emerge from the lists of clear priorities (Renn & al. 1995 ; Wienhofer & al. 1996), without terpret the sidewall to the dangers of the polarization of opinions. Such a care brought to the deliberation can sometimes be similar has been a phenomenon of overprotection, in the meaning or the content develop an important agonistic has reduced its minimum removed a part of its strength to the process which is likely to become more administrative than political (Hendriks 2004, 160-164). All mini-public seem to be the place of a meeting with the other and the acceptance of the otherness. It is even possible to deliberate in a transnational framework that show with force the European experiences (Luskin & al. 2008 ; Goldschmidt & al. 2008). From this point of view, deliberation seems to know no borders. 1.4 .2The power of the word citizen and manipulation The analysis of the corpus of studies tends to show that the recommendations made by the citizens are more likely to be translated into action when the topic is concrete and the geographical referent locates. Thus, the projects of urban planning (Garbe, 1980 220 ; Fishkin & al. 2010, 11) or those limits has a binary proposal for rejection or support are quickly integrated into the sphere classic representative while the larger projects are needed more difficult (Guiheneuf & al. 2009, 219 et seq. ; Joly & al. 2000, VII). In both cases, however, the word citizen tends to become autonomous and has taken a place in the speech and the games of administrative actors and policies (Garbe, 1980 219 ; Joly & al. 320 1. Of Hagen in Sydney and Vancouver to Wenling: The potential of mini-public 2000, VII) which at a minimum are forced to take position vis-a-vis the citoyenne, but often also incorporate in their speech as a source of legitimacy for their words and their actions (Fishkin & al. 2010, 11) or then the fight strongly because it is clearly opposed to their interests: this is particularly the case when the positions of the industry are at stake by the citizens (Hendriks 2004, 86-87). What we had been able to observe a Aix-la-Chapelle and has Poitiers could therefore be confirmed although there are cases of complete failure at this level, the best example is perhaps the project of Planungszellen organized on the future of the German energy policy in 1982 which was knowingly ignored by the political and administrative officials even where it remains to this day the most important in terms of participants and scientific accompaniment. It is difficult to believe that the recommendations of the citizens, against the increase in the energy expenditure and against nuclear energy do not counted for nothing in this implementation has the gap (Renn & al. 1985). Concerning the possibility of manipulation of the procedure by the organizers, speakers and facilitators, the danger is unanimously recognized by the latter who put forward the necessity of an ethics but also suggest that any attempt of manipulation is quickly relieved and denounced by the participants, particularly by the ringleaders of opinion (Wienhofer & al. 1996, 68; Guiheneuf 2008, 120-126). In the same way, participants generally consider it the conduct of the proceedings and the delivery of facilitators in a very positive way. Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers do not thus appear to have been of particular cases. The power of the facilitators is however undeniable and can have significant consequences, as has been the Show Lang (2008, 92). This distortion seems more present when major projects during which the methodological errors are likely to multiply because of the number of actors, of places and languages (Goldschmidt & al. 2008, 27). On the other hand, it is difficult to judge the exact intentions of commissionaires of mini-public. The qualitative research study carried out in France and in Germany has shown that they could go to the desire to democratize democracy was that of a deadlock of politicking. We cannot know with certainty how many experiences have summers put in place for these reasons and how many other have summers launched by authorities wishing to manipulate opinion, to make the communication or to exploit the tool given that empirical research has rarely dug in this direction. Wakeford & al. (2008) give examples of instrumentalisation, Hendriks (2004) seems to detect the motiva321 Chapter 6: The contours of a policy aleatorienne TIONS similar to those of the Poitou-Charentes . Numbers of experiments have also been the result of the willingness of scientific experimentation (Gronlund & al. 2010). It can reasonably be assumed that the establishment of such forums is generally outcome of a combination of intentions without being able to detect trend unambiguous. Aix-la-Chapelle seems in contrast be unique: there is no trace of similar motivations in the 23 studies. Concerning the legal power of the citizen deliberation, Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers are located in the average but are far from having the strength of models such as the Citizens' Assemblies (Smith 2009a, 75; Warren & Pearse 2008). In the experiments in which the recommendations have no binding force, i.e. in the vast majority of cases, the risk that they could " disappear in the drawers " seems more important to the higher political levels and when the subject is too broad (Guiheneuf 2008 ; Luskin & al. 2008). 1.5 Toward a new society 1.5 .1of the long-term effects diffuse but undeniable The research carried out in Poitou-Charentes and has Aix-la-Chapelle have left see that born in the forums of new practices and new social institutions. The comparative perspective brings to this point of view of concordant results. The mini-public are moments during which elected representatives and learned the fate learn has to know (Gronlund & al. 2010, 108). For the citizens, it becomes clear that the planning and the establishment of public policies are complex exercises and it often happens that their confidence in the policy increases (Wienhofer & al. 1996, 60; Barber & al. 2009, 202) which contradicts in part the results of Aix-la-Chapelle. All actors acquire technical skills and sometimes political (Dienel & al. 1984, 158; Smith 2009a, 100). For the stakeholders, the participation has a mini-public is also often an important step that has consequences on their internal organization (Hendriks 2004, 116-117). Finally, an economic niche is well in train to develop, which, if it remains a modest, is no less promising and could reach a critical mass (Guiheneuf 2008) has same to attract players to the considerable financial means (Wakeford & al. 2008, 6)8. 8See for example the case of the Bertelsmann Foundation who accompanied since a decade of process of participatory democracy, some of which are mini-public. 322 1. Of Hagen in Sydney and Vancouver to Wenling: The potential of mini-public 1.5 .2Mini-public = mini-policy? 1.5.2 .1a nascent legitimacy ... The twenties of empirical studies tends to confirm the results of the previous chapter concerning the legitimacy. First of all, the importance for the participants to take a " good decision " is to be found almost everywhere and played for the citizens a central role in understanding their legitimacy (Garbe, 1980 218 ; Warren & Pearse 2008, 81). Then, the need to take account of the results by the representative sphere classic is seen by the participants, but also by the organizers as a fundamental element of the legitimacy ex-post of the model (Barber & al. 2009, 193 ; Goldschmidt & al. 2008, 56). Another very characteristic recurring is the aversion of the participants for the policy develop an important agonistic when they are located in mini-public or when they talk about a possible commitment in the policy after the forum: in these cases their preference is clearly toward the associational activity (Andersen & Hansen 2007, 537 ; Dienel & al. 1984, 148). Without wanting to prejudge here of the desirability of this attitude, it may be noted that it represents for the citizens a major source of their legitimacy in most cases. In the same way, the great majority of participants judge positively the mini-public and the draw as procedures and consider as legitimate regardless of the temporal context and macro-social: the rate of satisfaction of the participants remains remarkably stable in Sydney has As Well As , of Wenling has Berlin, either in 1978 or in 2010 (Dienel & al. 1984 ; Goldschmidt 2008, 49-50). On the side of the agents, the print is the same: the establishment of mini-public is considered a posteriori as beneficial (Fishkin 2010, 11 ; Hrach Melkumyan 2005, 104) because it allows you to better know what the needs are and the opinion of the people. The citoyenne mark his entourage. It may even sometimes that the mini-public has an impact causing a failover of the political balance (Kurunganti 2008, 13)9. That is what we had been able to observe a Aix-la-Chapelle or the solution preferred by the political parties and rejected by the citizens had finished by be abandoned. 9In this case concerning GMOS in Andhra Pradesh (India), the citizens had taken a position of rejection is the opposite of the government and the British program of development assistance. Position widely relayed by the press, which had the effect of calling into question the agricultural policy of the State and the guidelines for aid to agricultural development in the United Kingdom. 323 Chapter 6: The contours of a policy aleatorienne 1.5.2.2 ... In a niche The legitimacy thus gained is yet still fragile. Three criticisms of the emerging corpus of empirical studies. First, the recruitment by drawing optional mine, for a part of the political actors traditional, the legitimacy of the tool (Smith 2009a, 100). The draw is not yet enough employee and accepted as a method of recruitment to dispose of an intrinsic legitimacy. Secondly, the transparency is not gained a priori and media impact very variable of mini-public poses a problem. It seems that if the " first jobs " on enjoy a significant coverage (Joly & al. 2000, 136 ; Smith 2009a, 102-105) the subsequent jobs lose in interest for the media generalists and weaken the procedural legitimacy of the whole. A good planning of events to launch the project and rehabilitation of the report may counter-balancer this trend (Goldschmidt & al. 2008, 58). The situation is a little different at the local level or the media seem to be interested in the subject even when the model is not presented as a total innovation. The overall opinion is rather than the mini-public have had trouble out of the deliberative bubble. In addition, they are sometimes criticized by the experts for their lack of technical competence and by the policies because they lack the legitimacy outcome of suffrage (Guiheneuf 2009, 189; Renn & al. 1994, 203). The attacks also come of organized interests who put forward that the market is a better way to know what are the actual preferences of citizens rather than a forum built of all parts (Hendriks 2004, 150). The citizens themselves feel without concessions and consider that a mini-public is a framework too restrictive to achieve a sufficient influence on the representative politics (Andersen & Hansen 2007, 547). The observations made in Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers are repeated therefore in the other mini-public studied here. 1.6Balance Sheet The contextualization gave concordant results to those of qualitative studies conducted in France and in Germany. Most of the expectations are carried out within the mini-public and in their immediate environment. When this is not the case, when the mini-public do not meet the expectations, one has the impression that the difficulty is located at the level of the interface between the model and its environment. The theory successfully passed the test bench but penalty once 324 1. Of Hagen in Sydney and Vancouver to Wenling: The potential of mini-public Output of the lab environment. The major challenge of a job in institutional engineering is thus situated as much in the optimization of models as in the creation of a solid interface between participatory democracy and representative democracy classic. Yüklə 3,57 Mb. Dostları ilə paylaş:
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