4. What agenda for the theory of the draw in politics?
4.1The scenarios of change
We had in the third chapter class the authors supporters of the draw depending on the nature of the frame was debate that they employed and the tools that they were proposing. While maintaining this distinction in memory, we will now detail the strategies and scenarios imagined by them for that come hell or high water the change. We can distinguish three positions: do, reform and combat.
4.1 .1Do: Dienel, Crosby and company
The first strategy is pursued by the creators of the mini-public for whom it is before any to do. As the announced Dienel in a text to the programmatic style:
" Wir werden noch sehr viã¨le Versuche unternehmen mussen. Die Erfahrungen werden wir sammeln und systematisieren. Das wurde few helfen, for Versuche gezielter anzusetzen. Es wird sich als notwendig erweisen, Planungsprozesse, die in unserer Gesellschaft sowieso vonstatten gehen, using als Modellvorhaben fur die Beteiligung von Betroffenen zu using. Die Vergabe von etwa Stadtebaumitteln muss mit der Auflage verbunden werden, bestimmte Wirkstoffe 'Partizipationsformen experimentell anzuwenden. Die formen, die sich als praktikabel erweisen und die wir weiterentwickeln, werden Bezeichnungen s so wie heute Flugzeugtypen: pound Beteiligungsform fasst 30 Personen, pound 120 und jene 400. ≪ (Dienel 1971a, 29).
This is the number of jobs which will make the change. The proponents of such a strategy are little appeal has the theoretical arguments but much more has of success on a case-by-case basis. The main objective is to produce the supply of tools for drawing, which seems to be effective if you look at the process of dissemination on the mini-public. This is, in effect, the employment category of the draw 349
Chapter 6: The contours of a policy aleatorienne
Who has the more branched out in recent years, in particular owing to the existence of a network of promoters of the deliberative democracy and participatory are seized of the model and which have door. It is also a strategy which has the advantage of being very pragmatic. It does not presuppose a citizen theoretical ideal - supporter of the first hour of the draw - and does not consider that the cleros suffice it has create the conditions of a renewed democracy. On the contrary, for its proponents and to the early pioneers of participatory democracy, the motivations of citizens are multiple. Dienel (1971b, 153) quoted by example the motivations has the participation in the following order: Finanzielle Vergutung, Objektbezogenes Interested, objektunabhangige Communication, moralische Werte, Spielreiz, Gruppenzugehorigkeit. In this approach, the reward of the participants, the facilities of organizations temporal, the limited mandate, are so many contradictions in the theory of the pull and policy described in the third chapter, but which allow the concrete experiences to take place and be successful. It is this which also explains that the drawing has played in this strategy a secondary role, unlike the central place it occupies in the theoretical constructions of a part of the authors of the corpus.
Two questions arise concerning this tactic. Firstly, the question of its force has convince to have recourse to the draw in fields other than that of the mini-public in which there is no standardized instrument ready-a-employment, door by a network of actors having a professional perspective. Secondly, that of the ethics. Some as Fishkin did not hesitate to organize Deliberative Poll in China. Dienel about has him has always refused to accompany the process within private businesses while taking the reindeer of a project funded by a research center on atomic energy. No in contrast may be reluctant to work with all the actors of the political spectrum supporter, extreme right placing a hand. Do has any cost may however lead to anchor the draw and its practice in a context spam making its dissemination in other frameworks widely less easy. It has been seen that the existence of a suitable speech and a positive perception35 are elements absolutely central to the dissemination of any procedure of choice. However, a strategy of " make " on ready the sidewall has any associations negative discursive - drawing and dictatorship for example - which could impede the dissemination of the idea of the theory of random democracy.
35On these concepts see chapter 1, 3.1 and 3.2 , p. 54 et seq.
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4. What agenda for the theory of the draw in politics?
4.1 .2pontificating and infiltrate, without being politicized
This strategy is opposed to the previous one in the sense that it focuses on the production of a speech pro draw, encompassing, and macro from the theory and not of the practice. Its proponents develop normative pitches and thus designed a strategy for medium term consisting of a infiltrate the institutions and has reinvest the meanings associated with the selection procedures (operations of reframing). From an operational point of view, it is to infiltrate the existing institutions lack legitimacy in the blow by blow:
" What I hope is that it may be possible to get the process started by finding areas of responsibility where the present ways of doing things manifestly fail. It will be in the interests of those who bear the stigma of that failure to try to get rid of those responsibilities to whatever institutions are willing to accept them. One of the great virtues of demarchy is that it can, les autres centralized forms of socialism, be gasnot in a piecemeal way, provided there is sufficient agreement that it is worth trying in a perticular area. ≪ (Burnheim 1985, 160).
This approach has involved the production of a subframe favorable ideological the draw and ready therefore less sidewall to the abuse that the strategy of the do but may prove particularly unproductive. The study of chapter 2 has shown that the proposals for reform have multiplied since 40 years, each year brings its lot of authors who proposed to revolutionize democracy by the use of the draw but the calls are piling up and the liberal democracy has yet beautiful days before it. Everyone seems to reinvent the wheel, in a world which does not seem to need it. Such a strategy runs the risk even that she denounced: the right to remain an intellectual pleasure reserve has the progressive elites steeped in history and ancient knitting woolen socks complex scenarios combining prints, on elections, exams in the radiance. A ludic activity in sum then that normal citizens are burdened with debts, unemployment and insecurity on a daily basis.
4.1 .3become a political movement
" Many of the beneficial changes in society have been pushed along by social movements, such as those against slavery, for universal literacy, for women's rights, for workers' rights, against torture, and for environmental responsibility. Representative systems were not gasnot by benevolent monarchs, goal were the outcome of a complex process that included energetic advocacy. So, let's set up the "Movement for Random Selection in Politics". ≪ Carson & Martin (1999, 126).
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Chapter 6: The contours of a policy aleatorienne
Unlike the two previous strategies, a last series of actors offers a tactic based on the creation of a political movement. It is no longer to introduce experiences but to present a program consisting of and of the porter in the arena develop an important agonistic. This position is very largely minority among the university and the partitioning between activists and researchers and practitioners of the draw seems very waterproof. A notable exception is Barber, which has the inverse of Burnheim, pleaded for a battle front:
" Strong democracy looks to wage a second war for suffrage, a second campaign to win the substance of citizenship neutralise goal never achieved by the winning of the vote. We have the same interest in a substantive victory that we had in the original formal victory: the liberation of women and men from bondage to others, and tb privatism, through the legitimization of participatory self-government and the democratic establishment of a common good. ≪ (Barber 1984, 266).
For the proponents of this strategy, the experimentation, useful as it is, is not enough because it is not linked to a platform broader reforms politiques36. What is needed is therefore a party, such as the one door by some activists French and Belgian, aimed at anchoring the draw in the public discussion as the theme has hand entiere37. The proponents of this idea are nourished of past experiences, especially those of the fight for suffrage or the drawing at the Italian renaissance when the popolani took to the streets to claim the prize draw, then attempts successful.
The continuation of such a tactic however, raises serious questions. First of all, concerning the relevance even to a party for a movement which in its overwhelming majority criticized the system supporter. Moreover, if this form of action is any of the same deemed acceptable, the question arises as to its anchor policy: the theory and practice of drawing in politics must-they resolutely anchor in the progressive camp, has left, for example? In the affirmative, rather color of socialist or anarchist? Or on the contrary take a pace deeply or even liberal libertarian? If the solution of the party is more comparable to the historical cases such as that of the struggle for the extension of the right to vote, follow the track non-partisan is closest to the spirit who breath in most practices aleatoriennes. The politicization also raises a major question: the anchor in a political camp and the integration in an electoral program allows a wider dissemination in case of victory,
36Martin (1995, 45) : " Tea experimentation with policy juries and planning cells is vital in gaining experience and spreading the idea of participation through random selection. The limitation of these approaches is that they are not linked to major social groups which would be able to mobilize people to work for the alternative. ≪
37See Amanrich (2006) or Grabzinsky (2007). 352
4. What agenda for the theory of the draw in politics?
But causes a rejection more systematic of the opposition. That is what the example compares of France and Germany gives a see concerning the mini-public. With the gradual integration of the theme of the participation in the platform of the socialist party and its victory in many French regions, participatory democracy, and by ricochet the practice of drawing, has developed considerably in a very short time, but has resulted in a systematic rejection of the part of the conservative camp. In Germany, on the other hand, all the parties of the political spectrum have and continue to put in place instruments based on the drawing, but in a manner more sporadic and without project consisting in the long term. A last poll concerning this strategy is that of its scope. It is quite obvious that a political movement which battle against the whole of an established system, based on the worship of merit and the vote, must expect has a widespread resistance and has be ignored and mocked more than listening and understood.
4.2Research Questions
4.2 .1theoretical research: Densification of the platform discursive
The work done in the previous chapters has been widely demonstrated that develops for forty years a set of arguments which may have been condensed in the form of a theory of democracy random. This first step is however not sufficient and the stakes of the theoretical research future lies in the creation of a discursive legitimacy for the draw. Using the same categories of the first chapter, it is to produce regimes of justification raising the draw to the rank of legitimate procedure in itself, as is the case of the vote today. In this framework, we need to tackle issues such as theaccountability which has not yet been satisfactorily addressed. It must also carry out operations of meta-matching, it is-a-say bind regimes of justifications has of possible uses. It must seek here what speech is being combined with better with what practice and vice versa what practice has no speech convincing. Such research may be the opportunity to propose new instruments aleatoriens hybrids, although this does not seem a priority in view of the large number of publications of this type. At the level of the regime for reception, the important seems to reinvest the meanings associated with the drawing. It is of 353
Chapter 6: The contours of a policy aleatorienne
Create situations of framing in which it becomes possible to compare the drawing ceteris paribus with other modes of selection. Finally, in another register it is necessary to continue the comparative research inter-procedures through studies - historical including - if interesting in the process of dissemination of the vote and elective procedures of direct democracy and semi-direct: what have been the strategies pay tv? The obstacles?
4.2 .2empirical research: Compare the jobs, test models
In the empirical domain, three axs seem priority. First, we had the opportunity to note that the work regarding the lotteries and the advisory prints are deficient and it would therefore be particularly fruitful to look in this direction. Then, it was stressed the lack of comparisons inter-procedures: what are the differences between a draw and a review when the distribution of social housing? How would a Planungszelle with a recruitment by market, consideration or vote (same subject, same method, only the recruitment changed) ? What would happen if you pulled out real decisions to the fate? What happens in forums less structures? The formula printout + deliberation is it essential? Finally, it would be good - albeit that utopian - to test empirically the huge variety of theoretical proposals in order to see which pass the test of reality. Finally, the question of the precondition aleatorienne should be the object of all the attention: the citizens are they really reluctant to change? The merit is it the unsurpassable horizon of the liberal order? Is there a culture policy favorable to draw? Otherwise, how can accompany its emergence?
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Conclusions'>5. Conclusions
5. Conclusions
The highlighting of the empirical study and theoretical has license to drive has six conclusions. First, the study of a corpus of about twenty evaluations of process of mini-public confirmed in very large part the results obtained in chapter 5 concerning Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers. Secondly, the statement of common weaknesses allowed the update of criteria of qualities concerning the mini-public along four axs: the inclusion, deliberation, the efficiency and fairness. It also allows you to raise a series of questions for future research concerning the mini-public. Thirdly, by expanding the reflection has all the usages of the prize draw in politics, we were able to identify a double trend: the tools aleatoriens may be competitive in a perspective inter-procedure, they can be more rational, fair, effective, etc. Despite this, they still rely on the fingers of the hand and are almost never the standard procedure. In reality, and this is the fourth result of the contextualization, it seems that the conditions macro-policies of realization of the theory of democracy and random innovation " draw in " policy are not met: if the change can be seen as desirable, it is not desired. Then arises, fifthly, the issue of scenarios that can lead to a change. The analysis revealed that there are three strategies among the proponents of the prize draw in politics: get involved to multiply jobs (do), work has create a speech legitimizing the draw (pontificating and infiltrate without being politicized) and advocate (become a political movement). It was finally put in before that some of the questions concerning the draw in policy could find a response in additional research, empirical and theoretical opening a research agenda in the field.
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Conclusion
1. Contributions of the study
1.1A typology relevant
The typology seems a relevant tool and useful, because it may, grace has it, enter live procedures, encased in their political and social context. She brings concrete elements of understanding on the dissemination of the tools for drawing in putting forward the central role of the regime of justification (why or do we reject the draw?) and receive (how interprets it the concept of the random which is the basis of the draw?) which have proved just as important as the hardware procedure itself (how do they make the fate concretely ? ). It is as well that it was able to advance a hypothesis explaining the reason for the draw is not disseminated in liberal societies. The latter would call into question the ideological foundations of these regimes - the objective jurisdiction and one-dimensional as well as the merits - and would be negatively associated with concepts such as the game, the risk or irrationality. The modular approach of the typology has also made it possible to emphasize the extrinsic nature of the draw, i.e. is the fact that the latter do not have a nature or value own (just, egalitarian, impartial, etc. ) but that it is the result of a set of engineering procedural, justifications and various interpretations. It has thus been able to identify prototypes of procedures of choice (cf. illustration 62, p. 358) and then prototypes of drawing which are derived from the cross between a hardware operation and a frame was debate (cf. illustration 11 of chapter 1, p. 87). The typology is also in a more comprehensive approach consisting of a " make a not in ≪ rear to watch not only " the plethora of current policies " but also the level more abstract procedures, as well as the motivations and psychological context and symbolic of their use1. Finally, the work of the
1Burnheim (2006, 2) : " My hand hope remains that people of all spells who are concerned about the problems that face our contemporary democracies may find it stimulating to step back from the plethora of current policy issues and devote more attention to questions of procedures of representation and decision-making.
Conclusion
First Chapter opens the tracks concerning the understanding of other political tools through procedural and would allow for example to deal in detail with the other methods of selection or more widely has objects as the monnaie2.
Batch
Decision
Post
Draw (cleros)
Lottery
Stack or face
Sortition
Vote (psephos)
Distribution
Voting
Election
Review (docimasie)
Allocation
Deliberation
Maintenance
Market (Agora)
Trade
Negotiation
Venality
Illustration 62: Prototypes of procedures of choice.
1.2The emergence of a theory of democracy random
The study scientometrics has first of all shows that there is indeed a growing set and coherent texts, is interesting to the - or even proposing the reintroduction of the - drawing in policy which allows itself to be analyzed in a quantitative manner. The trends observed during the data collection is continuing and the more recent publications which could not be integrated in the database confirms the analysis ; in bibliometric terms, they have a rate of intercitation important and orient themselves to the corpus of textes3. The approach of chapter 2 has in addition shows that the scientometrie can also be fruitful in such disciplines as political philosophy in order to delineate quantitatively a scientific field and to reveal the heavy trends before to take an interest in a more targeted way during a qualitative analysis.
The work carried out in the third chapter has about has him clearly shows the existence of a frame was debate common has a series of authors supporters of the drawing composed of two elements: firstly a radical criticism of the current political system and of its intellectual foundations (which are the competence and merit) and secondly the formulation of an alternative based on the drawing of lots and accompanied by expectations concerning its
The basic belief underlying my approach to our problems is that social relationships and structures are built up out of our social practices, our ways of doing things. ≪
2The currency as a tool (banknotes and coins, or on the contrary cacao beans and pens, or even data pure virtual), recessed in a system of justifications (medium of exchange, value in itself, etc. ) and receive (money as a means or as a goal, etc. ).
3See for example Stone (2011) or Pluchino & al. (2011).
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1. Contributions of the study
Implementation (in the areas of formal representation and substantial, of participation, of the legitimacy and the society in general). The relevance of this analysis is confirmed by the issuance of subsequent publications has the drafting of chapter employing exactly the same frame: a theory of democracy seems random therefore well be emerging. We can define the latter as a current of political philosophy which the object of study is the draw in politics, which, in its vast majority, developed a partisan speech on the use of this procedure of choice with the aim to bring a solution to the multiple crises of liberal democracy, and which is crossed with differing sensitivities concerning the concrete modalities of implementation of the draw and the magnitude has give his employment.
1.3The mini-public: An innovation came here from Germany
The study of chapter 4 on the creation and dissemination of mini-public has shown that the real cradle of model is Germany and that the Planungszelle of Peter Dienel is the first practical model which has brought together citizens learned the fate in order to deliberate on a public policy issue on the basis of contradictory information: it is the first modern realization of the idea of mini-public. Contrary to expectations, this is not the example of judicial panels which has served as the main inspiration but much more a comprehensive approach to social engineering at the intersection of the sociology, psychology of group and of pragmatic concerns which have been the main reasons for the choice of draw for the recruitment of participants. The analysis has also shown that the sister model, that of Citizens Juries created by Ned Crosby, was inspired by the principles of social justice and ethics policy but had it no more, not had the jury for judicial model. In both cases, however, the main concern was to make possible the decision making in the context of pluralistic societies highly atomised. The result of the study has shown the paths taken by the two models which have led to their dissemination and gradual hybridization according to three modes: the faithful transposition (the model is imported without change as in Spain), the transfer with adaptation (the model is taken as a basis and then adapted to the local context as in the United Kingdom ) and the indirect inspiration (the model is known by literature and serves as a foundation for the development of an instrument clean as in France).
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Conclusion
1.4A theory which passes the test bench
Chapters 5 and 6 confirm that the greater part of expectations is carried out in the mini-public, which means that the theory of democracy random operates in this framework. The citizens learned the fate, put in a situation of information, deliberation and council, are representative of the population and to design as such. They incorporate and then assume their role of " representative citizen " on and strive to define and to defend the general interest in taking a posture of amateurs of policy. The participants are deeply marked by their experience and the forums are the place of an activation which lasts in time and key their immediate entourage. The mini-public and the draw are seen as legitimate not only by the organizers but also by the participants and by a part of the public sphere. In addition, we observed the birth of embryos of new educational institutions (all players earn technical skills and thematic), social (a part of the participants won the social skills and political) and economic (it creates a activity of council in participatory democracy and engineering of mini-public). Put in context through a comparative study, these results tend to confirm the hypothesis that the drawing has a strong political potential. They also allow you to propose 4 quality criteria updated for the mini-public: the inclusion (the procedure is available for a maximum of citizens and of interests formed, and the few as the other can express himself), the deliberation (the conditions of the debate, the discussion, of the trunk without hierarchy of participation are secured through methods of animation), the relevance (the mini-public is effective and efficient, that is, it has a hardware effects and media, that it is integrated in the decision-making process and that he has a report quality-price satisfactory) and equity (the process is difficult to manipulate because it is accompanied by professional, because it is transparent and because it is reflective).
At the level of experiences, Aix-la-Chapelle has shown that the use of mini-public in a framework of blocking of politicking is particularly effective: the citoyenne becomes more autonomous and the instrument creates a new balance discursive. This effect would be yet to be confirmed in other cases, but is a major contribution of the study in regard to the meta-matching (study of relevance of the employment of a given instrument in a given context). The experience has also proved the usefulness of having groups working in parallel 360
1. Contributions of the study
In order to be able to aggregate the results independent of each other, a process able to increase the legitimacy of the whole: independently of each other, different groups and accompanied by different animators, but subject to the same information, come to the same conclusions, which objectively the results. The experience picto-Charente has shown that we must take seriously the issue of the drafting of the opinion citizen by the group because such an approach runs the risk of leaving resurface the sociocultural differences and hierarchies of floor (it has been seen that the participants from the higher PCS have drafted the greater part of the text then of the citizens from backgrounds more modest were merely a more passive role). She has also established the relevance of the deliberation in several separate sessions in order to allow the possibility for participants to influence the course of the procedure as well as to discuss the subject with their entourage. She has finally confirmed that it is possible to carry out the evaluation panels beyond the juries more conventional for prospective or policy-formulation, a condition to limit the mandate has a specific object (in the sense of policy), which was not quite the case in Poitou-Charentes . The comparison of the two mini-public has shown that a hybrid model can be just as effective as the standard model, the Planungszelle.
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