Federal political system resolve the problem of premature dissolutions of government in

4.3.3 The Second Constitution (1962 – 1973) 
In 1962, the military government promulgated a new constitution. The 1962 
constitution provided for a so-called presidential system.
231
This type of presidential 
system is not to be confused with the comparator US presidential system discussed 
in more depth in Chapter 5 because this despotic political system was unicameral, 
undemocratic and not federal. Although the 1962 constitution abolished the office 
of prime minister and delegated all executive powers to the president, at the same 
time the constitution also stipulated a non-party legislature with limited legislative 
powers.
232
General Ayub Khan appointed himself as president with the powers to dissolve the 
legislature, promulgate legislations and ordinances and most importantly to declare 
an emergency.
233
The emergency powers were brought forward from the previous 
constitutional instrument. In addition, the whole constitution was based on General 
Khan's own views about the political system,
234
which is substantial evidence of 
self-interest playing a significant role in this phase.
Not only did this constitution provide for an undemocratic presidential system, but 
it also did not address the issues of disparity. This constitution also provided for a 
231
The Constitution of 1962 (of Pakistan). 
232
ibid. 
233
ibid. 
234
Sarfraz Husain Ansari, 'Forced Modernization and Public Policy: A Case Study of Ayub Khan Era 
(1958-69)' 18(1) Journal of Political Studies 45. 

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57 
unicameral legislature, with no elected representation whatsoever, which makes it 
even poorer than the previous one. 
Perhaps unsurprisingly, given General Khan's apparent aims to remain in power 
and govern at his will, this constitution made no provision for separation of powers 
or a system of checks and balances. Although it was disguised as federal, 
democratic and civilian rule, nevertheless, the entire system was in fact an 
authoritarian one that revolved around the personality of General Khan.
235
In this 
structure and under this constitution, recourse to the doctrine of state necessity 
was inevitable: the 1962 constitution was suspended, and martial law imposed in 
1969 by General Yahya, although this action was never challenged in or by the 
judiciary. 
The East Pakistan crisis escalated and resulted in the Indo-Pakistan war of 1971 
which, in its turn, resulted in the secession of East Pakistan. The reason given by 
the government of East Pakistan for its secession was the disparity of representation 
in the design of the earlier constitutions of Pakistan.
236
The Awami League party 
from East Pakistan province secured 160 seats in the National Assembly and PPP 
from West Pakistan won 81 seats and yet the leader of the Awami League party was 
barred from taking the office and PPP leader Bhutto was supported for the 
premiership.
237
This evidence speaks for itself that this phase was the most unfortunate with 
respect to the key factors being used for analysis. There was no equal 
representation, no separation of powers, no checks and balance and, above all, the 
constitution was General Khan's own product designed to protect his interests 
rather than serve as a real constitution for the country. The secession was not only 
a necessity but also inevitable. Interestingly, Pakistan itself was created by seceding 
from India so that it could exercise equal representation and freedom from imperial 
rule. 
235
Lawrence Ziring, Pakistan in the Twentieth Century: A Political History (OUP 1997) 271. 
236
Ved P. Nanda, 'Self-Determination in International Law--The Tragic Tale of Two Cities--Islamabad 
(West Pakistan) and Dacca (East Pakistan)' (1972) 66(2) American Journal of International Law 321. 
237
ibid. 

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