CHAPTER12 MAKING OF A NATION STATE 169 gv 1st August, Israel Government was faced on the one nd with the problem of reintegration of the returning Arabs, humungous task by any measure, on the other there was a nestion of rehabilitating streams of Zionist emissaries and the ctims of Diaspora, some willing, others not so willing to return to their home. Secondly, there was to be no return of territory, a principle clearly enunciated by the first cease-fire, ”all that we have taken we shall hold.” And that became Israel’s policy in its dealings with its neighbours and any third party. Security was the supreme aim. ”Israel would not participate in its own destruction.” All that Israel asked of the Arabs was to accept it: as we are, with our territory, our population and our unrestricted sovereignty. As for the UN Partition Plan, that recommendation, pronounced ’unassailable’ on 15 May, was dead and buried. The implacable logic of Zionism held in check by the Mandate
now came into action. There was to be no response to the
whining of the international community. The Arabs had rejected
the earlier plan. Now they had to accept an enlarged Israel as
it now existed. While the Palestinian Arabs vowed to ”liberate”
their land, the Zionist’s impulse to fight back hardened. Before the declaration of freedom on 14th May, 1948,
David Ben-Curion had a vision of the shape of his nation state.
His vision was not unaccompanied with realism, ground realities
and the capabilities of his people. Unlike Nehru whose head
was in the clouds and feet nowhere, Ben-Curion knew that a
vision without pragmatism and practical sense becomes a
bound to be home to a small people. Had not Moses said, ”For
ye were the fewest of all peoples.” He thus demanded that the
children of Israel behave as a Chosen people, keeping their
spiritual ascendancy alive as the basis of survival of a small
people. He knew that neither the material and spiritual nor the
political and cultural changes of thousands of years of Jewish
existence had diluted the vitality of his people nor the twists and
turns of history undermined the unique national character of
the Jews. It was the strength of Bible, a secret resource which
safeguarded their existence and their uniqueness in spite of 1 70 INDIA AMD ISRAEL CHAPTER 12 continued threats to their national sovereignty. Empires like Egypt,
Babylon, Rome and Greece, rose and fell, but tried as they did,
they could not wipe out the Jews from the face of the earth.
They survived the onslaught of the other Semitic religion Islam
and excesses of Christianity which ironically was born out of
their own religion. The emancipation of the Jews did not lead
to assimilation but resulted in a new expression of their national
uniqueness and Messianic longings. They no longer saw that the
promised land was a mystic dream, but was a fusion of vision
with realities, in the formation of the land of Israel, which his
people had to build with their skill and creativity. The biggest
Hadrian of ancient Rome was a life and death battle between
Bolsheviks and the Jews in Russia. From the days of the first
Aliya, the Jews saw nothing but struggle to settle in their own
home till this very day of May 14, 1948. The Jews could never
compete in physical power with their neighbours who even
questioned their right to exist. But thousands of years of their
history of oppression and struggle taught them to survive and
endure and act as a beacon to the nations of the world. Their
land was the melting pot of the Jews returning from Diaspora. The more the Arabs threatened to ”liberate” Palestine, the
more the Israelis, surrounded by enemies on all sides were
forced to fall on a strategy of offensive survival. To ensure their
national security, the Jews resorted to military exploits which
further deepened the Arab hatred which in turn needed a
stronger military response from Israel, and the vicious circle
continued. Israel’s military prowess, the competence, and daring
spirit of its commanders and the courage of its soldiers was an
invaluable asset for a nation perpetually at war. It fought a
number of ”little wars” as punitive expeditions in retaliation to
trans-border raids which in some cases resulted in the ’big wars’.
After independence in 1948, Israelis fought three ’big wars’
against its Arab neighbours. The first in October 1956, a ’100
hours war’ with French and British allies was a five-day ”blitzkrieg”
against Nasser’s Egypt, where Israeli’s forces occupied the whole
of Sinai and the Suez Canal. The second war on 4th June, 1967, r” AFTER 1 ^ MAKING OF A NATION STATE 171 was almost a ’virtuoso’ performance by its generals and military
artists. Most prominent among these was General Aerial Sharon,
the present day Prime Minister of Israel. His breath-taking
manoeuvers, earlier at Mitla Pass in 1956, and later at El Agheila
Jews were defending a dream of land come true. Eight years
after the cease-fire and six years after the tripartite declaration
°f 1950, Egypt became openly hostile and started sending its 172 INDIA AMJ) ISRAEL CHAPTC 12 I guerrillas called the ’feclayun’ into the Gaza strip. The incurs
” , . . , r- -i ^Ul=ions increased in severity and gunn re causing heavy casualties Israeli civilians and settlements. The Egyptians under President
Nasser started making blood curdling noises against the Jews and
threatened their very existence. War seemed imminent. David
Ben-Gurion warned his people that they had learnt their hard
lesson that if they themselves had strength, they would have
peace, if they lacked it, no one would support them. In the
meantime, Western nations particularly, France, America and
Czechoslovakia started arming the Egyptians. Ben-Gurion quoted
to the Western powers the Armistice Agreement under which
the Jews were to have free acce ss to their holy places and the
cemetery on the Mount of Olives, as also a free passage to the
Suez Canal. But the United Nations did nothing. Then BenGurion
roared back that they cannot be expected to sit with
folded hands while the Egyptian marauders ravaged their country
and intruded into their sovereign territory. Egyptian suicide
commandos and cut-throats were sent into Israel to kill and
mains the Israelites and mine their transportation system. David
Ben-Gurion was fully aware that for the Jews it is not easy to
win friends. Others who have, do so through a common religion
or language, like the Arabs and Latin Americans. Others form an
alliance against the common enemy or object of fear. Israel had
neither wealth nor power nor territory, neither did they have a
commonality of language or religion with any other state except
the Arabs who were their sworn e nemy. To a counsel of restraint
from America, David Ben-Gurion mentioned that the United
States Government had sent troops into Mexico in March 1916,
after having failed to stop marauders on their frontier and these
were withdrawn only in early 1917. Repeated representations
to the United Nations and America brought no result. Egyptians
continued their attacks in increasing proportion and the
barometer started falling. Finally Ben-Gurion was forced to
declare, ”If our rights and our people’s lives were assailed by
acts of violence, we reserved fre-edom of action to take such
measures as we thought fit to safeguard those rights and lives.’
He again warned, ”Our right to self-defense was not only a ***~Zm 12 MAKING OF A NATION STATE 173 tural right, it was expressly stated in the U N Charter in Article
r-i ” Some of the United Nations personnel denied them this
right. They stigmatized as ”reprisals” the defensive measures the
Isralis took against the murders organised by Egypt and Jordan.
/\|| the United Nations observers and representatives knew as
we|| that the ’fedayun’ worked under orders from the Arab
Governments, with Egypt taking the central position. Captured
’fedayun’ had admitted these things in Israeli courts, and the
Egyptian Minister of Religious Endowments, Hassan al-Bakuri,
said the same thing in a broadcast from a Cairo radio station
under Nasser’s control: ”There is no reason why the ’fedayun’,
who hate their enemies, should not penetrate deep into Israel,
Hours War” Israel swept the Egyptian army back beyond the
Suez Canal and the world including Nehru’s India, forced the
Israelis to relinquish their gains and return to their pre-war
boundaries. Despite all it’s wars, Israel never sought aggression nor
believed in a constant state of war against its neighbours. The
abiding philosophy of the Israelis can be summed up in the
following lines of chapter 85 from the Book of Psalms, ”Mercy and truth are not together: righteousness and peace
have kissed each other.” President Eisenhower had once mentioned that peace and
justice are indivisible but David Ben-Gurion believed that there
can be no peace without justice. A country that could not protect
’ts sovereignty, its security and rights, could not preserve either
Peace or justice. Even after the termination of the Sinai war Israel knew no
rest. While its people were involved in nation building and
Beating to convert the desert into a bloom, Arabs were planning ’Us D 174 INDIA AND ISRACL QH IAPTERR12 *•; : n a once again to destroy the nascent state. Barely eleven years atft
the last conflict war drums started beating again in Cairo. Presidta^
Nasser paranoid on the strength of aided Russian weaponry aarirj
his self-appointed leadership of the Arab world was once ag,atrying
to challenge the Israeli might. The first step in ttly
belligerency was the closure of Sharm-et-Sheikh, the toivvn
controlling Tiran Straites, the entrance to the Gulf of Aqaba, aand
choke Eilat, the only southern Israeli port with access to the RRecj
Sea and South Asian waters. To the western observers there vwas
an incessant flow of heady propaganda, a call to Jehad and for
the destruction of Israel. The Arabs were drunk upon their o^wri
rhetoric and language. Arabs, Arabic and Islam are inseparable
each recreating the other in an undefined process of croosspollination,
till the words are exalted to the level of reality. TThe
Arab emotions took control over their logic and the groujnd
realities. Islam is a religion devoid of theology. It means submission
to the will of Cod and a total surrender to what He wills; or
ordains. Though it is difficult to interpret the will of Cod, Muslslim
leaders down the ages have conferred legitimacy to their cauuse
from worship to slaughter, all in the name of God’s will. TThe
Suras of Quran have a rhythm and a nuance all their own. Thhey
proclaim, implore, chant, croon, weep and laugh and tithe
torrential flow of Arabic creates an image that charms. TlThis
repetitiveness in Islam overwhelms imagination and calcififies
reason. The holy language intoxicates and sanitises the brain i in
a manner that only the language counts and not its substanace.
In such an atmosphere, it is easy to understand that the Araabs,
who for fourteen hundred years had turned inwards upon tithe
spoken words, and numbed their senses to the heat and poveerty
of the desert, lapped every word of the Mullah, the Cairo Raddio
broadcast and the exhortations of Nasser. The stage wa’as,
therefore, set. for a Jehad, a word often misused for any fonrm
of offensive action as willed by God. Egypt plunged into war nnot
knowing the battlefield or the Israeli army. As the 4th June of 1967 neared the land of Israel prepared
for the impending war to break off from the stranglehold o; i i^
maritime blockade of the Arabian sea. There was no doubW *^~- rD 12 MAKING OF A NATION STATE 175 CHAPTER^ ^^^^^ ut Israeli’s military capability, but it will be useful to look into
1 mind of the Israeli soldier. The Israelis at war did not succumb
rage or arrogance. After planning with an unending passion
f r detail, they fought with dedication and drive. In spite of this
decisive advantage they were never unduly conceited nor over
confident. The psyche of Diaspora and the element of anxiety
permeates jn{-o their subconscious. A subliminal anxiety underlines
the soldier’s personal awareness and exerts on him a primordial
and strong pressure, since his victory only means continuation
of status quo, may be, slightly better than before, while on the
other hand, looms the risk of extinction of his land. This inner
vision of Armageddon impels the Jewish soldier in war. While
the Arabs, in spite of their defeats, are intoxicated with a notion
of what victory brings, the je’ws, fight for survival is pitted against
the Arab pride of victory. If the Jews were to lose Israel for the
third time, history becomes meaningless to them. And the fourth
return to the land or Aliya, is unthinkable. To quote a personal
observer of June 4-9, 1967, Israeli blitzkrieg, ”In every people
the power tobe great is resident, but not every people fulfills this
potentiality for glory; some die, some stop before the summit is
attained, some turn upon themselves and crush the ephemeral
capacity in rages of self-destruction. But if greatness is ever
achieved, it is never forgotten. The memory of it persists and the
subsequent history of the people who once achieved themselves
is dictated by how they use the memory of their greatness. In
the centuries between return to the northern fertile crescent and
the death of King David, the Hebrews became Jews and fulfilled
their capacity to be great.” The Jews won a resounding and absolute victory. They
extended their territorial boundaries to include the areas of the
^est Bank of River Jordan, the whole of Sinai peninsula, and
the Golan Heights in Syria, thus achieving ’lebensraum’ and
strategic depth. Today Eretz Israel stretches about 470 kms in
ength and 135 kms in width at its widest point, and covers an
^rea of about 20,700 sq. kms, with an additional 7,477 sq.
ms’ of occupied territories of West Bank, Gaza strip, East
Jerusalem and Golan Heights. But the jewel in the crown of this If. Sfifc