accessed on 28 November 2018.
69
the government in Pakistan has not only been demonstrated in the attempt by the
president in 2007 to suspend the Chief Justice (and subsequent international
outcry) but more recently in the 2017 Supreme Court disqualification of Prime
Minister Sharif.
The table below summarises the past events of premature dissolution.
Table 1- Summary of Acts of Dissolution
Date
Dissolved by
Ratified/Overturned by
24 October 1954
Ghulam
Muhammad
(Governor General)
CJ
Munir
(relied
on
necessity) – Ratified
07 October 1958
Iskandar Mirza (President)
CJ
Munir
(relied
on
necessity) – Ratified
05 July 1977
Zia Ul Haq (Army Chief)
CJ Anwar-ul-Haq (relied on
necessity) – Ratified
06 August 1990
Ghulam
Ishaq
Khan
(President)
Unchallenged
18 April 1993
Ghulam
Ishaq
Khan
(President)
CJ Nasim Hassan Shah –
Overturned
05 November 1996
Farooq Ahmad Khan Laghari
(President)
Unchallenged
12 October 1999
Pervez Musharraf (Army Chief)
CJ Ahmed (relied on
necessity) – Ratified
Pakistan has, as indicated above, been suffering from political instability whereby
its political growth and democratic progression have been diminished by
intervention by military chiefs or presidents – warranted or unwarranted – in
parliament achieving its full term.
70
There have been adjustments to the constitution which both provide for, and
remove, the president’s discretionary powers to dissolve assemblies (even before
their term). Those discretionary powers are under Article 58 of the current
constitution.
281
Although presidents have used the plea of necessity to justify their
actions, the doctrine of state necessity has also been routinely invoked in the case
of military takeover.
Premature dissolutions are also ratified by the judiciary in the name of the
application of the doctrine of necessity. There are several landmark cases in the
history of Pakistan that have supported acts of premature dissolution even to the
extent of justifying martial law and abrogation of the constitution.
The analysis in this chapter has identified that the key factors selected are not
incorporated not only in Pakistan's present political system but also all in all those
of the past. The pattern shown in the preceding analysis answers the first subsidiary
research question in the affirmative. In answering the second sub-question, this
analysis has also established that despite being branded as a democratic federation,
Pakistan does not incorporate the selected key factors that are present, specifically,
in the US model.
Table 2 - Summary of Results
1935-1954 1956-1962 1962-1973 1973-2018
Compliant with equal
representation?
✘
✘
✘
✘
Provide for separation of
powers and checks and
balances?
✘
✘
✘
✘
Are there elements of self-
interest?
✔
✔
✔
✔
281
The Constitution of Pakistan 1973, art 58 (2)(b).
71
An important and unprecedented event occurred in the year 2008, when none of
the parties had an absolute majority and, consequently, a coalition government had
to be formed.
282
Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz (PML(N)) was an influential party
in Punjab and the Pakistan People Party (PPP) has a large vote bank in the Sindh
province, consequently the parliament of 2008-13 was formed by way of coalition of
the PPP and PML(N) and other smaller parties. It is worth noting that it was also
unprecedented that the parliament was not dissolved prematurely during this time.
This unprecedented completion of the parliamentary term sheds light on the
research question "Is there any connection between premature dissolution of
government and one party having an absolute majority?" Of course, there may be
many more reasons for the parliament completing its full term without premature
dissolution, such as the country's democratic maturity, educational awareness and
end of the most recent military regime. However, it cannot be ignored that a
plausible and logical possibility was the parliamentary arrangements which served
as a deterrent to disparity of representation
283
and inadvertently formed a checks
and balances system. The parliament of 2008-13 was in fact somewhat compliant
with the ideals of the model democratic federal political arrangement, and this
essentially prevented any further instances of premature dissolution to date.
284
The coalition government inadvertently manifested the factor of equal
representation alongside a checks and balances system which also hinted at the
separation of powers to let the parliament complete its full term for the first time.
The hypothesis that Pakistan is not operating a suitable political system cannot be
conclusive without comparing it with a suitable political system. As indicated in
Chapter 1, a suitable political system for a democratic federal state is a Democratic
Federal Political System, which strictly incorporates the factors used in the
preceding analysis.
Potential causes of premature dissolution in Pakistan have been narrowed down for
the purposes of this thesis to key driving factors, i.e. the absence of a range of key
282
Election Commission of Pakistan, 'National assembly. Party Position including reserved seats'
accessed 28 November 2018.
283
This apparent equal representation was not de-jure but de-facto by compromise and
arrangements by parties to form a government. So, the parties without a majority (i.e. PML(N) for
Punjab and ANP for NWFP and Baluchistan) also exercised equal powers with the majority party
(PPP for Sindh and Punjab), thus all provinces exercised almost equal representation.
284
Such arrangements are already the salient features of the US presidential system, i.e. the use of a
Senate to represent all states equally.
72
democratic or federal factors in the political system. These factors lead to risk to the
country's integrity as a union, and in any case, cases in which necessity is invoked,
rightly or wrongly, arise and these consequently justify the premature dissolution.
In the next chapter, these factors are explored in more detail as part of the
comparative analysis.