Assessing Future Scenarios It remains unlikely that the Islamic State in Somalia will immi-
nently challenge al-Shabaab for hegemony, due to a combination of
its inferior capabilities in the areas of capacity for violence, ability
for governance, and quantity and quality of propaganda. However,
under what hypothetical conditions might it be able to do so?
k The Islamic State’s wilayat Furat, Sayna, Homs, Ninewa, Hadramawt, Khayr,
West Africa, and Tripoli all released videos from May 2015 to January 2016.
l
On September 24, 2017, al-Shabaab’s Al Kata’ib Media released an Oromo
translation of its video “They Are Not Welcome, They Shall Burn in the Fire,”
which was distributed by al-Qa`ida’s Global Islamic Media Front.
On one hand, there are changes that ISS itself could undertake
to make it more competitive. First, at present, the authors see lit-
tle tangible evidence of real funding of ISS from the Islamic State,
apart from some affiliates in Yemen. If for some reason the Islamic
State decided to increase funding, ISS could improve its standing
vis-à-vis al-Shabaab. Second, at present, foreign fighters seem to be
rare in the ranks of ISS: most of its members, as previously stated,
are defectors from al-Shabaab, or new recruits from the Puntland
region of Somalia. If ISS begins to attract foreign fighters regional- ly—especially from Kenya, Ethiopia, Uganda, or Yemen—or glob- ally—especially foreign fighters leaving the crumbling caliphate in
the Levant—its growing numbers could allow it to challenge al-
Shabaab. Third, another factor that would help ISS to gain promi-
nence would be if it could actually hold territory in a sustained way.
On the other hand, there are missteps that al-Shabaab itself
might make that could give ISS an upper hand in the battle for ji-
hadi supremacy. For one, a surge by AMISOM—potentially buoyed
by the entrance of more Ethiopian troops in November 2017
53
— and
a poor response by al-Shabaab could work to degrade the group,
while the weaker and more benign-seeming ISS could theoretically
strengthen itself in the relative shadows. Second, it could be the
case that the internecine battles within al-Shabaab could lead it to
splinter. For instance, commentators have recently noted that there
are a range of competing factions within the group—those loyal to
al-Qa`ida versus those (quietly) sympathetic to the Islamic State
and those who accept foreign fighters into the group’s ranks versus
those that do not; and those who believe that the group should ‘lib-
eralize’ versus those who do not.
54
However, it remains to be seen
how widespread these reported divisions are. Third, for whatever
reason, al-Shabaab could begin to fail on the battlefield, losing its
leaders (thanks to new broader U.S. mandates for drone target-
ing),
55
failing at governance (with citizens losing patience for overly
harsh rule), and losing access to financing (via new embargos on the
charcoal trade),
56
all of which could exacerbate tensions within the
group and lead to fighters’ switching allegiances to ISS.
Finally, there are also scenarios in which al-Shabaab gains even
greater power vis-à-vis the upstart Islamic State factions in Soma-
lia. For one, if Mumin or other Islamic State leaders in Somalia
are killed, it is a strong possibility that given the small size of the
cells and waning fortunes of Islamic State globally, the cells might
collapse entirely. With the news that the United States began con-
ducting airstrikes against the Islamic State in Somalia in November
2017, this scenario is not wholly unlikely. If ISS collapsed, fighters
from Mumin’s faction could attempt to return to the al-Shabaab
fold. How al-Shabaab would react to the repentant soldiers is un-
clear.
While these possibilities may exist, many of these scenarios
are relatively unlikely. Indeed, barring any significant changes, al-
Shabaab will face few serious challenges from the Islamic State in
Somalia for the foreseeable future.