4 CTC SENTINEL NOVEMBER 2017 ing, given that Puntland is Mumin’s ancestral homeland. Beyond
traditional means of recruitment, in the U.S. State Department’s
designation of Mumin as a global terrorist, it noted that he had
“expanded his cell of Islamic State supporters by kidnapping young
boys aged 10 to 15, indoctrinating them, and forcing them to take
up militant activity.”
32
Beyond soldiers, a former Somali intelligence
official also reported last year that Mumin’s faction has received as-
sistance from Islamic State-loyal militants in Yemen. According to
this account, in addition to money, weapons, and uniforms, Islamic
State militants in Yemen also sent trainers to inspect ISS bases.
33
And, a U.N. report released as this piece was going to print, in No-
vember 2017, has claimed that Mumin’s faction receives money and
guidance from Islamic State officials in Syria and Iraq. However, the
authors cannot verify this report.
34
The Islamic State-loyal force officially claimed its first attack
g
inside Somalia on April 25, 2016, when the Islamic State-affiliated
news outlet Amaq released a statement
h
claiming that “fighters of
the Islamic State” had detonated an IED against an African Union
convoy in Mogadishu.
35
Unquestionably, however, ISS’ most im-
portant attacks occurred on October 26, 2016—nearly a year af-
ter its emergence—when Mumin’s forces captured the port town
of Qandala after Puntland security forces retreated.
36
A video re-
leased by Amaq showed a handful of Islamic State fighters parad-
ing through the streets and hoisting the Islamic State’s black flag
on several rooftops of the town.
37
And, while Puntland authorities
said a day later that Islamic State forces had left the town, Somali
journalists refuted this claim.
38
Nevertheless, by December 7, 2016,
Puntland forces again reported that its forces had regained control
of the town, offering photo evidence and ending ISS’ siege.
39
Apart
from the Qandala occupation, recent attacks claimed by the Islamic
State in Somalia include its first claimed suicide bombing in Bosaso
on May 25, 2017,
40
and an assault on a hotel in Bosaso on February
8, 2017.
41
As an older and more established group, al-Shabaab’s capacity
for violence is far more proven than that of ISS. While the exact
number of fighters in the ranks of al-Shabaab is very difficult to
ascertain, current estimates suggest that al-Shabaab has between
5,000 to 9,000 within its ranks.
42
Most of these fighters are native
Somalis. Al-Shabaab also contains sizeable portions of fighters from
other East African states, such as Kenya, Uganda, and Tanzania.
Arabs and Western fighters have also been documented within al-
Shabaab’s ranks, including senior figures.
43
Conversely, while ISS
does not seem to have a significant number of non-Somalis, the
aforementioned U.N. report did note the presence of a senior Suda-
nese member, as well as some members from Yemen.
44
Operationally, al-Shabaab routinely mounts large-scale assaults
g However, there is some debate as to whether the April 25, 2016, attack
was the first conducted by the Islamic State in Somalia or if one preceded
it. On December 11, 2015, Somali media reported that pro-Islamic State
militants in southern Somalia captured a small town near the border with
Kenya. Not long after, Somali officials then claimed that the town was back
under government control. However, the official statement did not explicitly
mention a pro-Islamic State militant faction, thus raising questions about
whether the group was ISS, or perhaps instead al-Shabaab. For more,
see Abdirizak Shiino, “Kismaayo: Al-Shabaabka Daacish la midoobey oo
qabsadey Tuulo Barwaaqo,” Horseed Media, December 9, 2015, and “Jubba:
Tuulo-Barwaaqo Dib Ayaan U Qabsanay,” VOA Somali, December 11, 2015.
h This statement was released on the same day a video was disseminated
showing a training camp run by Mumin’s forces in Puntland.
on Somali government officials and troops, in addition to attacking
personnel associated with the African Union Mission to Somalia
(AMISOM). Although it has lost considerable territory since the
apogee of its operations in 2011, it continues to penetrate more
heavily fortified areas of Mogadishu and has also mounted both as-
saults and suicide bombings outside of Somalia, including in Kenya,
Uganda, and Djibouti. In particular, in a forthcoming report, the
authors have given acute focus to al-Shabaab’s proclivity for suicide
bombings
45
—documenting at least 214 al-Shabaab suicide bombers
since 2006, including the massive October 2017 attack that left an
estimated 358 dead and another 400 wounded.
46
Indeed, as of late
2017, al-Shabaab was noted for being the deadliest terror group in
all of Africa in the new millennium,
47
a distinction that the Islamic
State in Somalia is far from challenging.