Phase 3: Al-Shabaab Attacks on its Pro-Islamic State Members Rather than lash out directly against the Islamic State, al-Shabaab’s
ire at the suggestion that it abandon its links with al-Qa`ida was
mostly directed toward its own members who showed sympathy to
the Islamic State. Indeed, since at least 2012, when members began
to publicly criticize the leadership of Ahmed Godane,
13
the group
has endured internal ideological fissures that have threatened to
destabilize it,
14
and the question of how to respond to the Islamic
State served as another flashpoint capable of dividing the group.
As researcher Christopher Anzalone neatly articulates: “Though
the Islamic State’s ideology, or aspects of it, are attractive to some
members of al-Shabaab, the emergence of such a competitor [in
the Islamic State]...provides those disgruntled members [of al-
Shabaab] a way to challenge the status quo” of al-Shabaab’s oper-
ational culture.
15
Thus, as early as September 2015, reports suggest that al-
Shabaab was beginning to detect and silence pro-Islamic State sen-
timents within its ranks. According to one report, in that month, the
group issued an internal memo that “stated the group’s policy is to
continue allegiance with al-Qaeda and that any attempt to create
discord over this position [by suggesting an alliance with the Islam-
ic State] will be dealt with according to Islamic law.”
16
A second re-
port in November 2015 noted that al-Shabaab radio stations issued
a threat to members who were thinking about joining the Islamic
State.
17
“If anyone says he belongs to another Islamic movement
[other than that of al-Qa`ida], kill him on the spot … we will cut
the throat of anyone … if they undermine unity.” These releases co-
incided with others by al-Shabaab’s spokesman Ali Mahmud Rage,
which warned al-Shabaab members about advocating an alliance
with the Islamic State, suggesting that those who sought to promote
division within al-Shabaab are “infidels” and will be “burnt in hell.”
18
Beyond issuing statements prohibiting pro-Islamic State senti-
ments, al-Shabaab—led by its notorious internal security service,
the Amniyat—moved against its own members who sympathized
with the group. Soon after the overtures from the Islamic State
began, in September 2015, al-Shabaab arrested five of its own
pro-Islamic State members in Jamame, a town in the Lower Jubba
Region.
19
In October 2015, the Amniyat arrested at least 30 more
pro-Islamic State al-Shabaab fighters.
20
A month later in Novem-
ber 2015, al-Shabaab executed five former leaders of the group, in-
cluding Hussein Abdi Gedi, who was formerly al-Shabaab’s deputy
emir for the Middle Jubba Region but who had recently become
the leader of a small pro-Islamic State faction based there.
21
Later
in November 2015, the Amniyat initiated large-scale arrests of al-
Shabaab members with Islamic State sympathies across southern
Somalia in the towns of Jilib, Saakow, Jamame, Hagar, and Qunyo
Barrow,
22
including some foreign fighters from Egypt and Morocco.
Fast forward to late March 2017, and al-Shabaab reportedly exe-
cuted at least five Kenyan members of the group for pledging alle-
giance to the Islamic State in the Hiraan region, and a month later,
two prominent al-Shabaab commanders, Said Bubul and Abdul
Karim, were also executed for switching their allegiances.
23