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Young Activists Electrify Armenia: Lessons Learned…

by Harut Sassounian, Publisher, The California Courier

When a group of young Armenians spontaneously gathered in Yerevan’s Liberty Square 10 days ago to challenge the planned increase of electricity rates, no one expected their protest to reverberate around the world.

To everyone’s surprise, the small gathering mushroomed into several thousand mostly young people who marched to the Capital City’s major thoroughfare, the Baghramyan Avenue, where the Presidential Palace, the Parliament, and the Constitutional Court are located, and staged an overnight sit-in. The protests quickly spread to major towns and cities throughout Armenia.

Since the demonstrators refused to vacate the Avenue, the police dispersed them with water cannons, injuring a dozen protesters and arresting 237 others. The police also detained several journalists, damaging or confiscating their cameras and tape recorders.

As images of these confrontations were disseminated through social media and various websites, several thousand more protesters showed up the next day, making crowd control practically impossible. At the time of writing this column — the evening of June 29 — demonstrators were still occupying portions of Baghramyan Avenue.

Who are these young men and women and what do they want? They are not affiliated with any political parties or foreign powers, contrary to baseless accusations, and have no agenda other than demanding that the Armenian government rescind the 17% increase in the cost of electricity, effective August 1. These activists believe that they are legally and morally justified to block city streets because their protest is peaceful and spontaneous! They have named their movement “No to Plunder.”

The authorities made several attempts to persuade these young people to abandon their protest. When President Serzh Sargsyan proposed to meet with them, the protesters declined the request demanding that the meeting be televised live to the public. The government’s offer to subsidize the higher cost of electricity by providing a corresponding increase in aid to over 100,000 destitute families was also rejected. Finally, the President’s decision to freeze the rate increase until an international auditing company reviews the financial records of the Energy Networks of Armenia, a subsidiary of a Russian company, to see if the new rate is warranted, was also turned down.

The first break in the tense standoff came last Sunday night when the protest organizers accepted the police offer and moved back to Liberty Square to avoid another bloody confrontation. They announced on Monday night that they are ending their protest and will decide their next move shortly. Most demonstrators, however, refused to follow the lead of the organizers, spending another night in the middle of Baghramyan Avenue, chanting: “We are the masters of our country.”

This new generation of men and women are disenchanted with both the authorities and the political opposition. However, rather than giving up and leaving the country like so many others, the protest organizers took to the streets to defend the people’s rights. These activists showed that although they have no power, no wealth, and no official position, they are capable of rising to the occasion when necessary and rally the masses around them, commanding the grudging respect of the authorities! One may disagree with the protesters’ tactics, but cannot help but admire their sincerity and commitment to the welfare of their fellow Armenians!

There are three important lessons to be learned from these recent developments:

1) The future of Armenia will be in good hands as long as there are young people in the upcoming generation like those who appeared spontaneously last week in the streets of Yerevan;

2) Opposition political parties in Armenia have little chance of assuming power anytime soon, unless they completely overhaul their policies, attract bright, committed and resourceful young men and women to their ranks, and allow them to rise to positions of leadership;

3) The people of Armenia have had a deep-seated distrust of all successive governments before and since independence. The leaders in power are facing far greater problems than the price of electricity. It is an existential imperative for Armenia to establish a just and democratic society in which the citizenry can live in dignity, prosperity and peace. Armenians would not need to protest in the streets of Yerevan if there are effective mechanisms that people can trust to defend their basic civil rights and secure their economic well-being.

http://www.thecaliforniacourier.com/young-activists-electrify-armenia-lessons-learned/

Three weddings and a fuel subsidy as Armenia's electricity protests spread

President’s offer to finance price hikes does little to quell the fervour as thousands of demonstrators remain on the streets. EurasiaNet.org reports

Marianna Grigoryan for Eurasianet.org, part of the New East network

Wednesday 1 July 2015 10.06 BST

There have been both kisses and water cannons; three wedding celebrations and a barrage of injuries. The protests against electricity price hikes in Armenia’s capital, now in their third week, just refuse to go away despite a significant government concession.

The #ElectricYerevan protests have become “a multi-headed dragon” for President Serzh Sargsyan’s administration, said independent analyst Saro Saroian. “After decapitating one head, another one grows immediately in its place.”

That is essentially what happened on 27 June when some protesters accepted Sargsyan’s offer to subsidise the hugely unpopular tariff rise that sparked the protests – and a far larger group elected to stay on the streets.

Addressing the crowd as “my dears”, Sargsyan, a veteran politician who has faced down more than a few rebellions in his seven years in office, urged the group to listen to his “friendly appeals” for a solution. He said that having police disperse protesters from downtown Yerevan “is not our aim”.

Hundreds of citizens have been arrested in the protests so far and journalists have had their equipment smashed. The use of water cannon on unarmed civilians led to condemnation from human rights groups .

The president’s overture essentially split the protest between a few hundred who agreed with the government’s proposal and left Baghramian Avenue for nearby Liberty Square, and many more who stayed put.

Meanwhile, the protests have been taking an increasingly jubilant tone, with three couples choosing the streets of Yerevan as their wedding venue.

One demonstrator, 32-year-old psychologist Anush Badalian, said that experiences after the fall of the Soviet Union, when the economy and energy sector collapsed and Armenia fought a brutal, six-year war with Azerbaijan over the still-disputed territory Nagorno-Karabakh, fuelled protesters’ refusal to back down.

Ruben Mehrabian, a political analyst at the Armenian Center for National and International Studies in Yerevan, advises caution.

“At the moment, there is not the power [among the protesters] to serve as an alternative to the current government. But that does not mean that it will not appear in the future,” Mehrabian said. “Everything is still ahead.”

Stepan Danielian, head of the Collaboration for Democracy Center, warned that the protests may rnf in disappointment.

While even more Armenians on the streets could prove decisive, “public structures and mechanisms to make decisions must be developed,” he said.

“Even if Serzh Sargsyan resigns and the [ruling] Republican Party is dissolved, by that alone, problems are not solved. New Serzh Sargsyans will be born. The problem is more radical [than that].”
At the heart of the protests is the government’s perceived tradition of looking out for its business buddies: in this case Electric Networks of Armenia, owned by the Russian company Inter RAO, which has close ties to the Kremlin.

Protests against electricity price hikes in Yerevan have little in common with Ukraine’s uprising – but Russian geopolitical rhetoric has a habit of making self-fulfilling prophecies

Read more

Demonstrators are furious over reports such as Transparency International Armenia’s, which claimed that the company spent 450 million-drams (about £600,000) on luxury cars.

To address that anger, the government has suggested that civil society and the opposition help appoint auditors and has not excluded the possibility of selling or nationalising the utility company.

But some analysts believe these proposals do not go far enough to address the underlying resentment.

“The post-Soviet system in Armenia, which by itself represents the Russian-style system of vertical corruption, does not work anymore,” said Mehrabian, a political analyst at the Armenian Center for National and International Studies. “It has expired, [yet] it is impossible to exchange its existence [for something else].”

Moscow’s recent decision to allow an Armenian court to try a Russian soldier charged with the murder of a family in the town of Gyumri appeared to be a bid to deflect anger away from the Kremlin. The rumour on the streets is that the decision only demonstrates how much Moscow understands their power.

A version of this article originally appeared on EurasiaNet.org, part of the New East network

http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/jul/01/armenia-yerevan-electricity-protests-russia

Turkish military edges closer to Syria intervention

Speculation is at an all-time high in Turkey over potential militarily intervention in Syria to set up a security zone in the Jarablus area linking the Kurdish cantons of Kobani and Afrin. An anonymous source informed Al-Monitor that the Turkish General Staff has informed the government that the military units intended to take part in a military operation will be done with their preparations and ready to go by the second week in July.

Summary⎙ Print Despite the Turkish military's deep reservations, it appears to be preparing itself to enter Syria in the next two weeks.

Author Metin Gurcan Posted July 1, 2015

TranslatorTimur Göksel

If there is such an operation in the next two weeks, we will know that the Turkish military, despite its reservations, had no alternative but to implement the political directives it was given and was compelled to conduct the operation despite all the challenges. If no such operation is carried out in two weeks, we will know that the Turkish generals' cautious approach won the day and the Turkish military avoided getting caught in Syrian quagmire.

What the journalists must do now is leave aside the debates in Ankara and focus on military movements at the Special Forces Command, the 5th Armored Brigade at Gaziantep, the 20th Armored Brigade at Urfa and the 2nd Tactical Air Force at Diyarbakir, which would spearhead a possible Syrian operation. It is time to start observing the field developments pertinent to a possible military intervention in Syria.

In my ​May 4 article for Al-Monitor, I noted that the realism of the Turkish military command was stopping President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and the rest of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government from intervening militarily in Syria. So what changed since May 4 to give credence to reports of military intervention?

Developments in Turkey’s domestic politics, events in Syria and deteriorating relations with the United States all played parts in the shift toward serious consideration of intervention.

In a chat with an official from the US Embassy in Ankara after my May 11 article, the first question he asked was about the headline. Why was it important what the military thought of the election results, he wanted to know.

I was particularly curious about how the Turkish military would assess the electoral success of the Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP), which it sees as political extension of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) terror organization. The military institution in which I served for a long time did not surprise me. The fear of the Kurds that has traditionally lurked in the subconscious of the Turkish military surfaced. While there was increasing admiration of the HDP in the Turkish mainstream media and liberal quarters, the Turkish military’s phobia became more pronounced. This appears to have played a part in easing a bit of the military’s resistance to intervene in Syria.

Also restraining the AKP government were developments in Syria after Tell Abyad fell under the control of the Democratic Union Party (PYD), which the Turkish military still sees as the Syrian extension of the PKK. When the PYD took Tell Abyad, the Kurdish cantons of Jazeera and Kobani became contiguous. My next piece asked the same question the Turkish military was asking after its shock at Tell Abyad falling so easily to the PYD: What next?

Intelligence reports reaching Ankara after the fall of Tell Abyad said the PYD was now turning westward to reach the last Kurdish canton, Afrin, and that the final goal of the PYD was to create a Kurdish corridor that will abut Turkey and reach the sea. Those reports naturally encouraged AKP leaders to disregard any restraints stemming from the military’s realism.

Another factor that weakened the "braking mechanism" was the crisis of confidence the Turkish military has been having with the US plans for Syria. Security officials who recently spoke to Al-Monitor in Ankara pointed to mounting tension between the US and Turkish security bureaucracies. These sources insist that Ankara’s worst fear is for the United States to reach an understanding with the Syrian regime to smash the Islamic State and hand over areas it vacates to the PYD. According to these officials, the Kurdish corridor project with its “Made in the USA” tag have been testing the limits of the traditional alliance between Turkey and the United States.

For the past three or four days especially, the pro-government news media has been beating the drums of war and breathlessly reporting that the AKP government has instructed the Turkish high command to prepare for a military security zone in Syria, that the preparations for a military operation are underway and that it is only a matter of time to start the operation to take over the Marea Line region that will cover Jarablus south to a security zone.

The latest reports say that Turkey, determined to prevent either IS or the PYD from controlling the Jarablus area, will form a security belt both against the PYD’s military arm and IS. They claim that, initially, 18,000 Turkish soldiers will enter Syria to secure the area and then control the region by fire with its long-range artillery and other firepower available to the army and the air force.

There have been misguided and historically false comments that the legitimacy of the operation could be assured, as Israel did in south Lebanon, by declaring a unilateral security zone, reserving the right to intervene militarily without a UN decision.

The Turkish public, meanwhile, has found out that many columnists close to the government were also extensively informed about military strategy, tactics and weapons.

Security sources who spoke to Al-Monitor in Ankara emphasized some interesting points. The first is the risk of the AKP and Erdogan exploiting a possible Syrian operation for an early election campaign. One source who asked not to be identified said, “This risk really worries the military. Erdogan and the AKP, with their massive media power, could engineer a major perception of victory and use that to go for early elections. This is why the military is awaiting the instructions of a new government instead of a government that is basically deposed."

Another source said high-level command visits to Gaziantep and Urfa offer important clues about preparations for an operation. “Such an operation requires clear operational orders, a clear strategic goal, clear rules of engagement, clear definitions of friend and foe and a well-drawn-out calendar. At the moment all these are very unclear, even obscure. Under such uncertainty, how can you issue operational and tactical orders to your units?”

From these words, it is clear the military hasn’t overcome its concerns and has unanswered questions about the mission, tactics and techniques of the operation. Yes, the AKP government might have eased some of the high command's reservations on an operation in Syria, but it hasn’t yet fully removed them.

In sum, it is still possible to say that despite the strong wishes of the AKP and Erdogan, the Turkish military’s realism still has a restraining effect on a military operation, albeit one somewhat less effective than it was last month.

The next two weeks are critical. The current situation may be influenced by two factors. The first is how the United States will perceive the developments and react to them, and the second will be whether the PYD will persuade Ankara of its goodwill.

Read more: http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2015/06/turkey-syria-military-intervention-countdown-army-objective.html#ixzz3ei1qPfGJ

Turkey: Parliamentary Elections Give Ethnic Armenians Political Voice

June 11, 2015 - 3:49pm, by Dorian Jones

The results of Turkey’s June 7 parliamentary elections denied a majority to President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s Justice and Development Party. It also diversified parliament’s demographic mix: the election of three ethnic Armenian deputies is being heralded as an important breakthrough for the country and its fraught relations with its Armenian minority.
 
All of Turkey’s non-Muslim minorities have seen their population numbers collapse since the formation of the secular republic in 1923. Despite the events of 1915, when hundreds of thousands of ethnic Armenians were slaughtered, expelled or forced to flee Ottoman Turkey, the ethnic Armenian minority remains the largest, with an estimated 70,000 members, most of them living in Istanbul.
 
Yet these individuals had no representation in the country’s 550-member legislature – one of the most obvious signs of a glass ceiling for non-Muslim minorities. Now, as parts of Turkish society start to push for a more inclusive Turkey, that ceiling is cracking. As a result, issues that have long been suppressed or otherwise ignored may soon gain a higher profile in Turkish politics.
 
“I am an Armenian who wants Turkey to face its past and build an equal society,” declared parliamentarian-elect Garo Paylan of the pro-Kurdish People's Democracy Party (HDP) before the election. “We do not want to wait any more. That is why I am going to parliament to change this situation.”
 
For 42-year-old Paylan, a key part of that change involves Turkey confronting the events of 1915. Armenians insist Ottoman Turkish forces carried out genocide against the Armenian nation. Successive Turkish governments have strongly denied that the tragic events of 1915 constituted genocide.
 
“We do not have any MPs in the parliament who says we had genocide,” Paylan said, in reference to the 1915 bloodshed. “I am telling and will tell [that there was genocide] and I am asking all the community to recognize this as genocide. We have to face these crimes in order for it not to happen again.”
 
Until recently, few people in Turkey even dared to utter the word genocide in public for fear of retaliation. 
 
The selection of Paylan as a candidate by the pro-Kurdish HDP raised a few eyebrows. Paylan was among three Armenian candidates for the party, although he was the only one elected. The party’s campaign strategy was to reach out beyond its Kurdish base, on a platform of pluralism and democracy. The party also selected a Roma and LGBT candidate, who made unsuccessful runs for parliament, and an incumbent Assyrian Christian, who was reelected. 
 
But it was the Republican People’s Party (CHP), political heir to Turkey’s founder, Kemal Atatürk, that offered the biggest surprise of the election campaign by selecting ethnic Armenian Selina Doğan, a lawyer in her late 30s, to head its list of candidates from Istanbul. The center-left CHP has strong nationalist and statist roots and was associated under past governments with some of the worst excesses against non-Muslim minorities. 
 
Doğan’s placement at the top of the CHP’s candidate list guaranteed her election, and was intended to send a powerful message of change by the party’s leadership. Doğan admits her candidacy did meet with some internal resistance. But that resistance quickly dissipated after CHP leader Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu personally intervened, she added.
 
Challenging prejudice is a priority for her. “We are still feeling unequal. No, this is not a feeling. It is the truth – we are not equal,” Doğan told to EurasiaNet.org. She claimed that non-Muslims suffer from discrimination when it comes to employment opportunities in the government bureaucracy, and vowed to combat this “mentality.” She declined to comment about whether she had experienced such discrimination.
 
Yetvart Danzikyan, editor of Istanbul’s bilingual Turkish-Armenian Agos newspaper, sees the election of ethnic Armenian candidates as “a sign of change,” but notes that “many problems still remain.”
 
“For example, there is no law, but, in fact, Armenians, Jews, Greeks cannot be judges, military officers or policemen,” he claimed.
 
Paylan and Doğan also say a de-facto ban on employment of non-Muslims remains in force in state institutions. Another ethnic Armenian elected to parliament disputes that notion.
 
“Now, at this moment in Turkey, there is not a single place that an Armenian or anyone from any other religion cannot enter,” asserted Markar Esayan, who represents President Erdoğan’s Justice and Development Party (AKP).
 
Esayan, a columnist for the pro-AKP Yeni Safak newspaper, insists that the prejudice that he and other non-Muslims have faced is part of what he terms “secular fascism.” He believes that such discrimination ended under the 13-year rule of the AKP, which he describes as “the most revolutionary party” in a century.
 
The AKP, which authorized the return of a hundred or so properties out of the thousands confiscated by the Turkish state from non-Muslim minorities, is now struggling to build a government coalition with its rivals after it failed to secure an outright majority in the June 7 vote.
 
For MP-elect Paylan the election has restored ethnic Armenians’ right to speak out. “In Yeşilköy [an Istanbul neighborhood], we had a graveyard where our fathers and grandfathers were lying, and we could not ask ‘Why are you taking our graveyards [for redevelopment]?’ We could not even ask about it,” he recounted.
 
“Now, we are asking about it, and we have a voice supported by Kurds, Turks,” he continued. “It is a huge change.”

Editor's note: 

Dorian Jones is a freelance reporter based in Istanbul.
http://www.eurasianet.org/node/73826

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"Markar Esayan'ın Mehmet Metiner'den farkı yok"

Haber Merkezi 01.07.2015 10:23 GÜNCEL

HDP İstanbul milletvekili Garo Paylan, Ahmet Hakan’a konuştu. Meclis'te Ermeni vekillerin Ermeni olmasının değil neyi savunduklarının önemli olduğunu belirten Paylan, söyleşide Esayan’a yönelik eleştirilerde bulundu.

AKP’den seçilen Markar Esayan’ı eleştirdi. “Markar Esayan'ın son dönem performansına baktığımızda bir Mehmet Metiner'den çok farkı yok” diyen Paylan, “Yalnızca Ermeni kimlikli olması benim için çok da bir şey ifade etmiyor” ifadesini kullandı.

Paylan, Esayan’a yönelik eleştirilerini şöyle sıraladı:

“Gezi'dekileri, Kobani'dekileri görmedi. Ermenilere küfredilirken, "Affedersin Ermeni" denilirken Markar, "Aslında öyle demek istemedi, şöyle demek istedi" falan diye tevil etmeye çalıştı. Bu suçlar işlenirken o, "Liderlik" diye sayıkladı. Bu anlamda nedamet getirmesi gerekiyor. Markar'ın Ermeni olması benim için bir şey ifade etmiyor. Benim için ne söylediği, ne savunduğu önemli. Benim partimdeki arkadaşlarım, bana çok daha yakındır.”

Paylan, CHP'den milletvekili seçilerek Meclis'e giren Selina Doğan hakkında ise “Selina Doğan'ın varlığından çok mutluyum. Sevdiğim bir dostum, arkadaşımdır. Birlikte hareket edebileceğimizi düşünüyorum” dedi 

Söyleşinin tamamı şöyle: 

AK Parti 'den Markar Esayan, CHP 'den Selina Doğan ve HDP'den siz... Üç Ermeni milletvekilisiniz... Üçünüz de aynı dava için mi çaba göstereceksiniz Meclis'te?

GARO PAYLAN: Artık Ermeni olmanın ilginçliği ortadan kalktı. Bundan sonra Ermeni olmamız değil, neyi savunduğumuz ve ne söyleyeceğimiz önemli olacak. Elbette üç Ermeni milletvekili seçilmesi önemli ama ben partimdeki Kürtleri ve Türkleri, mesela  AKP 'den seçilen Markar Esayan'a tercih edebilirim.

Neden?

GARO PAYLAN: Çünkü Markar Esayan'ın son dönem performansına baktığımızda bir Mehmet Metiner'den çok farkı yok. Yalnızca Ermeni kimlikli olması benim için çok da bir şey ifade etmiyor.

Neden tepkilisiniz Esayan'a?

GARO PAYLAN: Son dört yılda mücadele ettiğimiz zihniyete destek veren, o zihniyeti meşru kılmaya çalışan bir performans gösterdi. Dört yıl öncesine kadar birlikte  Tayyip Erdoğan 'a karşı bildiri imzalardık. Erdoğan karşıtı pek çok bildiride ortak imzamız var, bunlar kayıtlarda duruyor. Ama Markar Esayan özellikle son iki yıldır işlenen pek çok suçu meşru kılmaya dönük bir performans sergiledi. Onun Ermeni olmasını elbette önemsiyorum ama Ermeni olmak yeterli değil.

Ermeni olmak önemli değilse ne önemli?

GARO PAYLAN: Ne söylediğimiz önemli. Neyi savunduğumuz önemli. Bir arada yaşama gayretini mi savunuyoruz, yoksa tek adamın meşruiyetini mi tartışıyoruz? Önemli olan artık bu...

Dostluğunuz var mı kendisiyle?

GARO PAYLAN: Markar ile iki eski dostuz. Şu anda farklı düşünceleri savunan iki Ermeni'yiz. Böyle söyleyebilirim.

Peki CHP'den seçilen Selina Doğan?

GARO PAYLAN: Selina Doğan'ın varlığından çok mutluyum. Sevdiğim bir dostum, arkadaşımdır. Birlikte hareket edebileceğimizi düşünüyorum.

Anladığım kadarıyla siz ve Selina Doğan bir tarafta, Markar Esayan bir tarafta. Bu mudur?

GARO PAYLAN: Umarım Markar da dönüşür. Sonuç olarak AKP'nin dili kaybetti. Markar da bunu görecektir diye umut ediyorum. O dil kaybettiyse, AKP yeni bir dil bulmalıdır. Markar da yeni bir dil bulmalı. Bir arada yaşama iradesini nasıl yükseltiriz diye Meclis'te bir yol bulmalıyız.

Üç Ermeni milletvekili... Üçünüz birlik olup Ermenilerin sorunlarını Meclis gündemine taşır mısınız?

GARO PAYLAN: Yeni bir siyaset dilini bulabilirsek... Tabii ki olabilir. Markar'ın nedamet getirdiğini görürsem elbette ortak hareket edebiliriz.

Neden nedamet getirecek ki? Anlamadım.

GARO PAYLAN: Çünkü pek çok suçun kenarından geçti. Görmedi Markar. Böyle birisi değildi, suçları görürdü.

Hangi suçları görmedi?

GARO PAYLAN: Gezi'dekileri, Kobani'dekileri görmedi. Ermenilere küfredilirken, "Affedersin Ermeni" denilirken Markar, "Aslında öyle demek istemedi, şöyle demek istedi" falan diye tevil etmeye çalıştı. Bu suçlar işlenirken o, "Liderlik" diye sayıkladı. Bu anlamda nedamet getirmesi gerekiyor. Markar'ın Ermeni olması benim için bir şey ifade etmiyor. Benim için ne söylediği, ne savunduğu önemli. Benim partimdekki arkadaşlarım, bana çok daha yakındır. 

Ermenilerin beş sorunu

Garo Paylan'a göre Türkiye'de yaşayan Ermenilerin sorunları şunlar:

- BİR: Ermeni okullarının statüsü yok. Statüye kavuşmalı.

- İKİ: Ermeni Patrikhanesi'nde seçim yapılamıyor. Patrikhane'nin statüsü yok.

- ÜÇ: "Soykodu" diye bir uygulama var. Ermenileri, Yahudileri, Süryanileri kodlayan... Bu uygulamaya son verilmeli.

- DÖRT: Askerde adının önüne "dikkat edilmesi gereken unsur" işareti konuluyor.

- BEŞ: Üçüncü şahıslara geçmiş Ermeni mülklerinin kamulaştırılıp iade edilmesi gerekiyor. 

CHP değişmiş

Garo Paylan'dan CHP analizi:

"CHP'de dönüşüm var. Net olarak bunu Meclis kompozisyonunda görüyorum. Daha çok kadın var, daha çok genç var. Keskin ulusalcılar elenmiş, hayata daha soldan bakabilecek, eşitlik çerçevesinde bakabilecek milletvekilleri gördüm. AKP'de de yeni vekiller var. Umalım ki yeni bir siyaset dili bularak AKP de dönüşsün. Tayyip Erdoğan biraz hayatımızdan çıksın. AKP siyaset üretmeye başlasın. Yeni bir anayasayı bu topluma hediye edelim".

AK Parti, Ermeni karşıtı propaganda yaptı

İstanbul'da Ermeniler oylarını hangi partiye verdi?

GARO PAYLAN: Gururla söyleyebilirim ki Ermenilerin büyük çoğunluğu HDP'ye oy verdi.

Nereden biliyorsunuz bunu?

GARO PAYLAN: Biliyoruz. Kapı kapı gezdik. Gözlemledik.

Peki neden HDP'ye destek verdi Ermeniler?

GARO PAYLAN: Tayyip Erdoğan ve Ahmet Davutoğlu, "20-30 bin Ermeni oyunun hiçbir önemi yok, HDP'ye Ermeni soykırımını savunuyor diye küfredersek Türkiye toplumundaki oylarımızı yükseltiriz" diye bir plan yaptılar. Fakat işe yaramadı. Bu kez Ermeni'ye küfretmek, "Bunlar Ezidi, Bunlar Ermeni" demek kaybetti. Bunu gördük.

Ermeniler AK Parti döneminde kazanımlar elde etmedi mi?

GARO PAYLAN: AK Parti iktidarının ilk döneminde nispeten bir rahatlık yaşadık. Hakkını yememek lazım... Ama son dönemdeki otoriter dilden biz de nasibimizi aldık, bize de parmak sallandı. "Affedersin Ermeni" dendi. Ermeni toplumu, buna karşılık, "Sen bana belli birtakım vakıf mallarını verdin, ilk döneminde nispeten rahatlık yaşadık ama istediğin kadar malımızı, mülkümüzü ver, küfrederek oyumuzu alamazsın" cevabını verdi. 

Ermeniler, AK Parti'ye oy vermediler mi yani?

GARO PAYLAN: Ben sıfıra yakın olduğunu düşünüyorum.

CHP'ye gitmiş midir Ermeni oyları? 

GARO PAYLAN: Bir bölümü CHP'ye oy vermiştir. Selina Doğan'ın etkisiyle... Hrant Dink'in açtığı yoldan ilerliyoruz

Meclis'te üç Ermeni milletvekilimiz var: Markar Esayan AK Parti'den, Selina Doğan CHP'den ve siz HDP'den... Bu bir devrim mi?

GARO PAYLAN: Tabii... Bir şekilde devrim diyebiliriz.

Bu devrim, Hrant Dink'in açtığı yol sayesinde mi gerçekleşti?

GARO PAYLAN: Evet... Hem Hrant Dink'in yaşamı, söyledikleri ve mücadelesiyle... Hem de maalesef Hrant Dink'in katledilmesiyle... Hrant Dink bir fenomendi, tek başına büyük bir güneşti. Biz yalnızca onun büyük cesaretine hayranlıkla bakan ve onun açtığı yoldan onunla beraber yürümeye çalışan gençlerdik. Onun katledilmesi, hepimizin hayatını değiştirdi. Markar Esayan da, Selina Doğan da, ben de Hrant Dink için adalet arayışı mücadelede seslerini çıkaran gençlerdeniz.

Hrant Dink yaşasaydı ve üç Ermeni gencinin milletvekili seçildiğini görseydi... Çok etkilenirdi, değil mi?

GARO PAYLAN: Elbette, kuşkusuz. Çok etkilenirdi.  

İşte Garo Paylan'dan "Türkiye'de Ermeni olmak, Meclis'te Ermeni milletvekili olmak" üzerine saptamalar:

BİZ AKRABAYIZ: Bizim ilk görünür Ermeni'miz Hrant Dink'ti. Onun sahiciliği toplumda olumlu etkiler bıraktı. Ermeniler görünür olduklarında, "öcü Ermeni" masalları da bir tarafa bırakılır. Çünkü bu coğrafyada herkes birbirine benzer. Hepimiz birbirimize benziyoruz. Tip olarak da birbirimize benziyoruz. Dilimizi, kültürümüzü, yemeğimizi, müziğimizi ortak ürettik.

İNSAN GARO: Anadolu'nun neresine gidersem gideyim, "Ermeni" her yerde küfürdü. Ama siz o ortama girdiğinizde ortam değişiyor. "Öcü Ermeni" gidiyor, yerine "insan Garo" geliyor. Dokunmak başladığında Ermeni kimliği bir tarafa bırakılıp insan kimliği öne çıkıyor. Ondan sonra "Garo şöyle bir Ermeni, Markar böyle bir Ermeni" diye bakabilirsiniz. Bu kimliğin normalleşmesidir.

DEMİRTAŞ, METİNER: Ermeniler, Kürtler diye toptancı bir bakış olmaz. Kimliklerin normalleşmesi gerekir. Kürt dediğimizde hangi Kürt? Mehmet Metiner de var, Selahattin Demirtaş da. Ermeni dediğimizde hangi Ermeni? Markar Esayan da var, Garo Paylan da. Normalleşme olursa toptancı bakışlar ortadan kalkar.

ÜÇ ERMENİ: Meclis'te tek Ermeni ben olsaydım zorlanırdım. İyi ki üç kişiyiz. Selina, Markar, Garo... Üç ayrı Ermeni... Üç ayrı bakış... Bu durum bizim kimliğimizi normalleştirir. Zaten Ermenilerin içine girdiğinizde Türkiye siyasetindeki bütün yelpazeyi görürsünüz. Burjuvamız da var, teneke evde yaşayan fakirimiz de...

NORMALLEŞELİM: Beni el üstünde tutmaları da hoşuma gitmiyor. Ne yerilmek istiyoruz, ne yüceltilmek. Ben Ermeni'yim diye özel bir muamele görmek istemiyorum. Siyasetimle değerlendirilmek istiyorum. Normalleşmenin gerçekleşmesi için geçmişteki dertlerimizle yüzleşmemiz şart. Yüzleşmezsek normalleşemeyeceğiz. Ben "Ermeni Garo" olmaya devam edeceğim. Ama o dertleri bitirdiğimiz zaman tam Garo olacağım. Belki o zaman tamamen siyasetimle değerlendirileceğim.

Ne tür tepkiler aldınız?

GARO PAYLAN: Dünyanın her yerinden Ermeniler, benim seçilmeme çok sevindiler. Çünkü ben "Ermeni soykırımı var" diyorum.

Markar Esayan ve Selina Doğan demez mi?

GARO PAYLAN: Markar bugün demez. Selina da zorlanır. Henüz partileri buna hazır değil çünkü.

Eski Markar der miydi?

GARO PAYLAN: Derdi tabii. Bugün diyemez, zor der diye düşünüyorum

http://www.agos.com.tr/tr/yazi/12029/markar-esayan-in-mehmet-metiner-den-farki-yok

Haut du formulaire

Bas du formulaire

20. 
    AGENDA TV ET RADIO
    

Agenda TV/Radio et Magazines : programmes et parutions mars-juin 2015

Le Collectif VAN réunit ici un listing des émissions télévision et radio, de mars à juin 2015, ainsi que les numéros spéciaux de la presse magazine, à propos du génocide arménien dont on commémore le centenaire le 24 avril 2015.

Agenda TV/Radio et Magazines : programmes et parutions juin 2015 

http://www.collectifvan.org/article.php?r=5&id=89087

Agenda TV/Radio et Magazines : programmes et parutions mai 2015 http://www.collectifvan.org/article.php?r=5&id=87488

Agenda TV/Radio et Magazines : programmes et parutions avril 2015 - I http://www.collectifvan.org/article.php?r=5&id=87486

Agenda TV/Radio et Magazines : programmes et parutions avril 2015 - II http://www.collectifvan.org/article.php?r=5&id=87489

Agenda TV/Radio et Magazines : programmes et parutions mars 2015http://www.collectifvan.org/article.php?r=5&id=87487

URL :

http://www.collectifvan.org/article.php?r=5&id=86426

21. 
    RUBRIQUE AGENDA
    RASSEMBLEMENTS-COLLOQUES-EXPOSITIONS- SPECTACLES-PARUTIONS
    

Agenda - Pétition pour sauver le Musée arménien de France

Agenda - Pétition pour sauver le Musée arménien de France -www.collectifvan.org - Inauguré à Paris en 1953 en présence du Président de la République Française, le Musée Arménien de France abrite des œuvres inestimables, dont certaines furent exposées au Musée du Louvre. Ses collections, réunies par les descendants des victimes du Génocide de 1915, ont été léguées à l’État Français en 1978 et reconnues d’utilité publique. Aujourd’hui, le Musée Arménien va disparaître à cause du Ministère de la Culture. "Monsieur Hollande, Madame Pellerin, au nom de l’Histoire, au nom de la Culture, au nom du respect du legs que la France a reçu et accepté, permettez la réouverture du Musée Arménien de France" demande une Pétition en ligne sur le site Change.org. 

Sauvez le Musée Arménien de France 

Inauguré à Paris en 1953 en présence du Président de la République Française, le Musée Arménien de France abrite des œuvres inestimables, dont certaines furent exposées au Musée du Louvre. Ses collections, réunies par les descendants des victimes du Génocide de 1915, ont été léguées à l’Etat Français en 1978 et reconnues d’utilité publique. Aujourd’hui, le Musée Arménien va disparaître. 

Nous demandons que l’Etat respecte l’héritage qu’il a reçu et permette la réouverture du Musée Arménien de France. 

Des salles d’exposition très convoitées… 

En août 2011, projetant des travaux dans l’immeuble parisien qu’il occupe, le Ministère de la Culture demande au Musée Arménien de France de déplacer temporairement ses collections, tout en lui assurant un retour à l’identique dans ses salles à l’issue des travaux, en mai 2012. 

Mais une fois les travaux terminés, le Musée Arménien se voit interdire son retour, le Ministère de la Culture refusant de libérer les salles qui servent désormais de débarras. 

Le musée se lance alors dans un véritable combat, alerte tous les services de l’Etat, demande au Ministère le respect de ses engagements, mais aucune réponse n’est apportée. 

Plus inquiétant, début 2014, les serrures de l’immeuble parisien sont soudainement changées : l’accès au Musée Arménien est donc maintenant totalement impossible, et nul ne sait ce qu’il est advenu d’une partie de ses collections restées à l’intérieur de l’immeuble. 

Le Musée Arménien de France, témoin du parcours d’un Peuple. 

Ce témoignage culturel unique, illustrant 3 000 ans d’Histoire, et regroupant près de 1 200 œuvres, certaines transmises au péril de leur vie par les survivants du génocide, va s'éteindre. 

Aujourd'hui, cet héritage culturel va disparaître. L’Etat en est le fossoyeur silencieux, alors même qu’il s’apprête à commémorer en 2015, le centenaire du génocide arménien. 

Monsieur Hollande, Madame Pellerin, au nom de l’Histoire, au nom de la Culture, au nom du respect du legs que la France a reçu et accepté, permettez la réouverture du Musée Arménien de France. 

Comité de soutien au Musée Arménien de France 

Pour la pétition cliquez sur 
https://www.change.org/p/fleur-pellerin-sauvez-le-musée-arménien-de-france 


http://www.le-maf.com 
Facebook : https://www.facebook.com/ArmenianMuseumOfFrance 
Twitter : Armenian Museum (@Musarmen) | Twitter

https://twitter.com/Musarmen

https://www.change.org/p/fleur-pellerin-sauvez-le-mus%C3%A9e-arm%C3%A9nien-de-france

1. 
   http://www.collectifvan.org/article.php?r=5&id=85946
   

Agenda - Paris : Commémoration du Centenaire du génocide

Agenda - Paris : Commémoration du Centenaire du génocide - Collectif VAN - www.collectifvan.org - Le Collectif VAN vous propose le programme des événements commémoratifs marquant le centième anniversaire du génocide arménien qui auront lieu à Paris. Nota CVAN : Le dernier programme mis en ligne par le CCAF-Mission 2015 sur son site date du 22/01/2015 (!) et est à télécharger ICI. En l'absence de toute information réactualisée, les informations réunies ci-dessous sont celles glanées par le Collectif VAN ou communiquées par les institutions françaises et par les associations arméniennes que Mission 2015 était supposée fédérer.

Du 3 avril au 30 septembre : Exposition au Mémorial de la Shoah « le génocide des Arméniens en 1915 : Stigmatiser, exclure, détruire » (Claire Mouradian- Yves Ternon -Haroutioun Kevorkian)

Mini-site dédié à cette exposition : Le génocide de l'Empire ottoman

Agenda - Paris/Exposition au Mémorial de la Shoah « Le génocide des Arméniens en 1915»

http://www.collectifvan.org/article.php?r=5&id=86406

--------------------------------

Du mercredi 29 avril au samedi 4 juillet 2015

Arménie 1915, Centenaire du génocide

Hôtel de ville de Paris / Salle des Prévots
Place de l’Hôtel de ville 75004 Paris
Entrée libre

Agenda - Hôtel de Ville de Paris : Exposition Arménie 1915, centenaire du génocide

http://www.collectifvan.org/article.php?r=5&id=86796

------------------------------

Septembre ou novembre 2015 : Hommage militaire aux généraux français cérémonies aux Invalides (ANACRA / CCAF) en présence du Ministre des Anciens Combattants

--------------------------------

22-25 octobre : 100 œuvres pour 100 ans - vente exceptionnelle d’œuvre unique au profit de l’association Aram (Galerie Sobering - FIAC)

------------------------------

24 octobre : Théâtre « le patient de l’hôpital de Villejuif » au théâtre Montmartre Galabru par l’AFTAF


TÉLÉCHARGER :
 Commémoration du Centenaire du génocide arménien : Le programme

http://www.collectifvan.org/pdf/11-59-12-15-04-15.pdf

http://www.collectifvan.org/article.php?r=5&id=87505

Agenda - MMC : Soutenez le film de Waxx, "Comme le papier"... d'Arménie!

Agenda - MMC : Soutenez le film de Waxx, "Comme le papier"... d'Arménie! - Collectif VAN - www.collectifvan.org - Participez à la création du premier film de Benjamin “Waxx” Hekimian, à la recherche de ses origines ! Sur le site de participation collaborative, MyMajorCompany, 7 233 € ont déjà été financés sur les 20 000 € nécessaires pour aider Waxx à réaliser son film. Si la jauge n'atteint pas les 20 000 € avant le 20/07/2015, votre participation sera automatiquement recréditée. Choisissez la contrepartie désirée (selon le montant que vous offrez). Ne ratez pas la vidéo du teaser qui laisse présager d'un bon film à l'arrivée.


Voir la vidéo :
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rkOtF97eO1c

Il y a 100 ans s’est formée la diaspora arménienne dans le monde entier, conséquence du génocide perpétré par le gouvernement turc de l’époque. Aujourd’hui, les petits-enfants des rescapés vivent leur appartenance à cette diaspora de différentes manières : certains très militants et impliqués dans le milieu associatif et d’autres beaucoup moins, voire pas du tout.

Waxx, français d'origine arménienne, ira à la rencontre de différentes personnalités, musiciens, acteurs, sportifs, journalistes comme Matthieu Madenian, André Manoukian ou encore François Bérléand pour entendre leurs réponses à la question : “Qu'est ce qu'être français d’origine arménienne en France en 2015 ?”

Accompagné de ses deux acolytes Matthieu Longatte (Bonjour Tristesse) et Vasken Pekmezian, il croisera des personnalités issues d’autre communautés de français et de descendants d’immigrants.

La réalisation

La réalisation se veut moderne et à contre-courant de ce qui se fait habituellement sur les sujets arméniens. Le film débute sur une introduction en animation (réalisée par Stoner) résumant la situation arménienne et ouvrant sur la question du film.

Waxx, personnage central du film, s'interroge. Pour trouver des réponses, il va voir son pote Vasken. Vasken ne lui réponds pas directement, mais l’aiguille dans sa quête, d’indices en indices. Des personnalités à visiter, mais aussi les aspects culturels (cuisine, musique, etc) seront autant de pistes à suivre.

Chaque visite est décrite par Waxx en voix-off et portée par de superbes images. Les délires oniriques de Waxx seront visualisés par des effets spéciaux donnant vie aux personnages et aux idées racontées.

Avec la participation exceptionnelle d'André Manoukian, Patrick Fiori, Mathieu Madénian, Youri Djorkaeff, François Bérléand, Pascal Légitimus, Charles Villeneuve, Thibaud Vézirian, Alain Altinoglu, Kyan Khojandi, Patrick Baud, Sevan Barsikian, Diane Sands, Gaïdz Minassian, Océane Rose Marie...

Et de nombreux autres Guests surprise français et internationaux à découvrir ces prochaines semaines...

Les rencontres

Au gré de ses rencontres, Waxx va rencontrer les personnes, connues et inconnues qui font les communautés d’aujourd’hui et de demain. Nous avons une longue liste de rencontres passionnantes à faire et plein de Guests surprise à venir !!

André Manoukian

Dès son plus jeune âge, guidé par un père arménien amateur de piano et violon, André prend goût à la musique. Il entame des études de médecine qu’il arrête pour se consacrer à la musique et se professionalise en l’étudiant à Boston.

À son retour en France, c’est une longue carrière artistique qui démarre alors : il co-fonde le groupe ‘Horn Stuff’ et travaille aux côtés de monstres sacrés de la musique, tels que Charles Aznavour ou Janet Jackson. Mais c’est en tant que juré à La Nouvelle Star qu’il connaît une nouvelle notoriété, cette fois auprès du grand public .

Auteur-compositeur, fondateur d’un label, doubleur (Shrek 2), comédien, animateur TV et radio… André Manoukian est devenu un artiste plus que polyvalent de la scène artistique française.

Patrick Fiori (Chanteur)

En 1997, il se voit confier le rôle du Capitaine Phoebus dans la comédie musicale Notre-Dame de Paris, dont le thème Belle sera élue « chanson de l’année » lors des Victoires de la musique en 1999. Il intègre l’équipe des Enfoirés cette même année, et quittera la troupe du musical un an plus tard pour se consacrer à sa carrière en solo. Depuis, ce français aux origines corses et arméniennes enchaîne les albums et les récompenses, dont plusieurs disques d’or et de platine.

Mathieu Madenian (Humoriste, chroniqueur Charlie Hebdo)

Humoriste, comédien et chroniqueur, Matthieu va faire des apparitions médiatiques aux côtés de Jean-Marc Morandidni sur Europe 1, de Michel Drucker, Anne Roumanoff, Nicolas Canteloup ou Eric Antoine sur France 2. En 2014 il entame une collaboration chez Charlie Hebdo où il publie une chronique hebdomadaire.

System of a Down

Groupe de rock arménien mondialement connu pour ses compositions expérimentales et des paroles laissant clairement paraître sa position politique, SOAD a été baptisé porte-drapeau des grandes causes. Composé de quatre musiciens d’origine arménienne, la cause qui leur tient sans aucun doute le plus à coeur est la reconnaissance du génocide arménien. Serj Tankian s’est d’ailleurs engagé à faire maintenir la reconnaissance du génocide à la Chambre des représentants des Etats-Unis.

Youri Djorkaeff (200 buts)

Footballeur professionnel, Youri a joué dans de nombreux clubs et 5 championnats. Avec la sélection nationale, il connaît ses plus beaux succès : il remporte la Coupe du monde 1998, l'Euro 2000 puis la Coupe des confédérations 2001.

François Berléand

Parallèlement à des études en école de commerce, François suit une formation théâtrale, un peu malgré lui, et débute très rapidement sur scène. Dès lors, sa carrière prend une nouvelle ampleur. On peut le voir dans des films tels que Ma petite entreprise, Mon Idole, Le concert, ou Les Choristes qui lui valût une reconnaissance internationale.

Pascal Legitimus

Humoriste, acteur et réalisateur français, il doit ses origines arméniennes à sa mère. Accompagné de ses acolytes Didier Bourbon et Bernard Campan au sein du trio comique Les Inconnus, il conquiert la scène française et devient une référence en terme d’humour dans les années 90, notamment grâce au film Les Trois Frères.

En 2011, dans son Alone man show, il parle avec humour de ses racines antillaises et arméniennes.

Charles Villeneuve (Journaliste)

Après avoir couvert plusieurs conflits au moyen orient, Charles Villeneuve présente Le Droit De Savoir avec PPDA et FOG pendant 17 ans. Il fut aussi le directeur des sports de TF1, ainsi que le président du PSG en 2008. Il est aujourd'hui chroniqueur sur C+ et TF1.

Thibaud Vézirian

Après quelques mois au sein du service économie du magazine Le Point, il signe chez LCI, où il devient chroniqueur, commentateur, puis présentateur. On peut voir ce français aux origines arméniennes tous les soirs sur L’Oeil du Web (LCI), ainsi que sur L’Affiche de la Semaine le weekend sur TF1.

Alain Altinoglu (chef-orchestre)

Il dirige de nombreux orchestres tels que Chicago Symphony Orchestra, Wiene Philarmoniker, l’Orchestre National de France, l’Orchestre de Paris… Attiré par la mélodie et le lied, il forme un duo avec son épouse, la mezzo-soprano Nora Gubish, et travaille également avec le DJ et producteur techno Jeff Mills.

Selon le magazine Vanity Fair, Alain Altinoglu fait partie des cinquante français les plus influents dans le monde.

Kyan Khojandi (Bref)

Il est un comédien, réalisateur et humoriste français d'origine iranienne. Il s'est fait connaître dans le programme court Bref diffusé sur Canal+ à partir de 2009, qu'il a co-créé et dont il interprète le personne principal.

Patrick Baud (Axolot)

Il crée le blog AXOLOT en 2009, dans lequel il écrit à propos de faits étonnants et de diverses curiosités historiques et scientifiques. AXOLOT devient également une chaîne de web-documentaires sur Youtube à partir de juin 2013, dont les vidéos ont été vues plus de quatre millions de fois.

Sevan Barsikian (Fondateur MyMajorCompany)

A la fin de ses cinq ans d’études en droit, Sevan rencontre ses deux acolytes Anthony Marciano et Michael Goldman. Le trio va fonder en 2007, MyMajorCompany, site de financement participatif qui permettra de faire connaître Grégoire, Joyce Jonathan et Irma, entre autres (vous êtes dessus, si jamais).

Diane Sands

Mannequin mais aussi animatrice tv, pianiste auteur-compositeur-interprète. Diane est née à Paris, elle est d'origine arménienne.

Gaïdz Minassian

Gaïdz Minassian est Docteur en sciences politiques, chercheur associé à la Fondation pour la recherche stratégique, enseignant à sciences po et journaliste pour le Monde.

Océane Rose Marie

Océane est une chanteuse, une animatrice de radio, comédienne, écrivain et metteur en scène parisienne. Après un premier succès sur les planches dans le spectacle La lesbienne invisible, c'est avec son second spectacle Chatons Violents qu'elle pointe du doigt le communautarisme français, celui dont on ne parle jamais.

Et encore plein de Guests surprise français et internationaux à venir !!